http://myrepublica.com/portal/news_rss.php MYREPUBLICA RSS en-us Tue, 09 Feb 2010 22:48:59 NPT Tue, 09 Feb 2010 22:48:59 NPT http://myrepublica.com INFO@MYREPUBLICA.COM nilesh_man@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14944 Jamim Shah´s cold-blooded murder in broad daylight has left the capital city thoroughly shaken. This incident has taken a further toll on people´s confidence in the security situation in the country. If it is possible to shoot and kill Shah, chairman of the Channel Nepal media house, on one of the busiest roads and in the presence of heavy security, why should people, for any reason, feel secure about their lives? When Shah was shot dead at Lazimpat on Sunday more than 500 security personnel were present along the Lainchaur-Shital Niwas road. Security along that road was beefed up since high-profile dignitaries were traveling along it to attend the oath-taking ceremony of Vice-President Paramananda Jha at Shital Niwas. Eyewitnesses even said that some policemen looked on as an assassin pumped bullets into Shah, but did not take any action. What all this mean is that any dignitary could have been shot dead along that road on that Sunday afternoon. Police are yet to find a lead in Shah´s murder. Minister for State for Home Muhammad Rijban Ansari, speaking at a program in the capital on Monday, said that the police are close to arresting the culprits involved in the murder. That is an irresponsible statement aimed at offering false assurances, something no one is expecting or asking for. Police are still clueless about the murder though they have widened their investigations and have done some preliminary guesswork about who could be behind it. Citizens need real action on this case and only the arrest of the culprits will help restore public confidence. Jamim Shah´s murder is not the only killing that has shaken public confidence in the security situation in the country. It is, actually, one in a series of killings and abductions that have taken place across the country in the last few weeks and the police are yet to make any headway in nabbing any of the crooks. The home administration must expedite investigations into past cases and also put in place a new security plan that will bring tangible improvements to the security situation. However, the police alone cannot improve things since all killings, abductions and other criminal activities are taking place in a society that is trying to struggle free from a political context of violence. The political parties, therefore, need to contribute their bit also to address the law and order situation. Only if the home administration, political parties, civil society and practically all the citizenry play their parts will things improve. Let us all take on this responsibility. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14943 Amartya Sen’s new book ‘The Idea of Justice’ may have been publicly acclaimed for its presentation of an alternative approach to mainstream theories of justice. But while going through the book, I was particularly struck by Sen’s frequent recourse to poets and fiction writers whenever he has to describe something in the most telling and convincing way. Whether it is the Indian poet Javed Akhtar or the English poet Seamus Heaney or the novelist Aldous Huxley, Sen makes it a point to quote a poet or a creative writer to capture the spirit of a time or a situation. For a professor of economics, and a Nobel laureate in the same subject, who is critiquing the philosophical notions of justice propounded so far, it was perhaps a bit unusual to rely on the poetic creatures that rely more on intuition than on reason. This, however, led me to reflect on the role of the Nepali literary writers during the most tumultuous times of this country as a nation. Are they able to produce a voice that captures the spirit of time in such words that even an economist or a philosopher or a historian would be compelled to borrow in the future. Nobody has talked about this publicly but it is dangerously serious that the so-called “culture” of coalition among the political parties has literally divided every public intellectual, expert and writer into party camps. Whenever the government wants to form a technical committee on something or appoint members for any useless commission, each party gives their name on a quota basis. This practice started openly after April 2006 and has continued since. The latest is the example of appointment at Nepal Academy. While it is not a crime to be affiliated to one political party or another for experts or others, it is true that they cannot command the respect that they would have otherwise by being publicly known to be a person of a certain political group. Due to this, an expert’s expertise is undermined, a poet’s poetry is not appreciated and a public intellectual’s opinion not heard. The literary or creative writers in Nepal in the last few years have lost their common space of art and creativity by their open alignment with one political group or the other. Initially, dating from the pre-1990 Panchayat era, we had lawyers and professors who were clearly divided as democrats (Nepali Congress) and progressive (communists). With the 1990 dawn of democracy, we saw the outpouring of trade unions and associations affiliated to political groups, which was not unnatural though. Are Nepali literary writers able to produce a voice that captures the spirit of time in such words that even an economist or a philosopher or a historian would be compelled to borrow in the future? King Gyanendra’s direct rule of 14 months was the best period for an assimilation of political identities because the former provided with an ideal common enemy and the rest were pro-people. It was during this period that we saw poets like Shrawan Mukarung with his masterpiece poem Bise Nagarchi Ko Bayan that gave a powerful poetic voice to the feelings of the masses against the tyranny of monarchy. But that was it. There has been some lamentation and hue and cry about the division of the civil society figures across party lines or agendas carried by one party or another, and due to which the whole of civil society voice has been weakened. However, the division of creative writers across political party lines has not been even mourned in the public spaces. Some of the literary writers do write in the public media spaces but what they are busy writing is through the vocabulary of certain parties. How pathetic to note that literary writers, instead of giving an idiom to describe the spirit of the time in a succinct poetic and powerful way, follow the vocabulary of the popular politics and compete to be ‘inclusive’, ‘pro-change’ under the shade and color of parties. At the moment, which is most critical for constitution-drafting, various groups have been active demanding their rights to be enshrined in the new national law. It is only the voice from the literary community that is not heard anywhere amid the crowds of voices demanding rights. Whether or not art, literature, poets and writers should have any special status in the new constitution is a subject that deserves certain discussion. But maybe because most of the nationally-renowned literary figures have been tied to – or perceived to be tied to – either one political group or another, their voices have simply lost their natural strengths. The culture of coalition at the political front is neither always bad nor avoidable. However, its impacts in a society like ours are dangerous and far-reaching. It has not spared any neutral public space of expertise, professionalism and even creativity. Our economists, sociologists, historians, geographers and linguists, for instance, have not been able to remain pure from the “taint” of the political affiliation. It is really strange and sad that it is hard to find “experts” who do not belong to, or who are not perceived to have belonged to, one of the groups mentioned above. Any society has, or rather should have, a group of people from various fields such as art, literature, culture and other genres of knowledge and expert people who are respected by all for their special contributions in the society. Our society is losing such commonly respected groups of people gradually. The appointment at the Nepal Academy is just an example. There is no common space left where individuals are given responsibility for what they deserve, and not on the basis of where they belong to. In the long run, society will surely have to pay a heavy price for this loss of common space of creativity and expertise. bishnu.sapkota@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14942 Do Dalits need affirmative action in democratic Nepal? Surely, majority of high-caste Nepalis will vehemently disagree. Ironically, the very people who oppose any form of positive discrimination also claim their beloved country to be democratic. For instance, during his reign as Chief of Army Staff, Rookmangud Katawal claimed that Nepal Army is a democratic institution that hires any competent Nepali irrespective of his caste and ethnic background. A supporter of the general’s view, former premier Girija Prasad Koirala boldly opposed the reservation system saying it is against democracy and always favored meritocracy. Such attitude of prominent political players prevented Dalits from getting any reservations even after the introduction of democracy in 1990. Do Nepali Dalits have equal share in the army, police, judiciary, private sectors, bureaucratic and education sector? Any Dalit would say, “No, democratic Nepal is not inclusive”. First, let’s look at the real meaning of democracy and what other democratic countries have done to rid themselves of their past sins. The spirit of democracy is to be inclusive: To create a playing field where no child is deprived of resources needed to nurture its potential to the full. A true democratic country will always care for its deprived communities. Having said so, let us look at how two giant democracies, India and US, both fully acknowledged their sins of untouchability and slavery. For US, slavery is a thing of past and while untouchability still exists in rural India majority of Indian Dalits have overcome being pigeonholed. US has produced a good percentage of middle-class African-Americans and India has produced many Dalit professionals through its constitutionally-guaranteed affirmative action. Let’s look at them individually. US Powerful Madhesi and Janajati personalities in Nepali politics have forcefully pushed back Dalits’ agendas to the bottom of the list. After 450 years of slavery, the US now has a Black man occupying the most powerful office in the nation. And it doesn’t end there. Many successful and prominent African-Americans can be seen in every walk of life from literature, sports, business, music and science. The US army is inclusive (although that’s not a big issue for a country that has been fighting since Second World War). Such inclusive results were accomplished because the US is a democratic country that adopted affirmative action to help uplift people who were once slaves. The credit goes to civil right movements and President John F Kennedy who passed laws requiring colleges, government institutions and private employers to hire Blacks. Today, if a Black complains of low achievement, the Whites tell them: “Look nothing stopped Barack Obama from reaching the Oval Office; he did it and yes, you can do it too”. INDIA Our ‘big brother’ in the south is far ahead of Uncle Sam. Every year, strikes are carried out by young students (high caste) on the premises of All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) against the quotas that are reserved for Dalits and scheduled tribes. But their effort is useless because it’s written in the constitution and no one can challenge it at least in the immediate future. Recently, the Indian government even passed laws allowing convert Christian Dalits – who previously didn’t qualify for quotas – to get reservation. Such provisions to uplift Dalits were made possible because of the visionary leader Dr BR Ambedkar, chief architect of the Indian constitution, whose idea even Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi didn’t dare to go against. The result: ‘Big brother’ had a Dalit president (K R Narayanan who went to college through the scheduled caste quota) way before Uncle Sam had a Black president. Each year, many Indian Dalit students graduate from world-class institutes like IIT, IIM and AIIMS and many more. Their army is inclusive. So are their government jobs. Now proponents of reservation are even urging the government to ask private companies – many government companies have been privatized these days – to be more inclusive so as to make it diverse. While there are many underclass Blacks in US and underprivileged Dalits in India, both the US and India have done proper homework. Positive discrimination may not be the right solution but it is important to create a level-playing field where everyone from every caste can have proportionate share. NEPAL Historically, Nepali Dalits served high-caste people by surviving on wages barely enough to make ends meet. Dalits’ chronic sufferings can be traced back to thousand of years—as old as Hindu religion itself. Even after the introduction of democracy in Nepal in 1990, there were hardly any changes in the laws that would otherwise have uplifted Dalits intellectually, financially, socially and spiritually. It was only in 2003, 55 years after the inclusive Indian constitution was crafted, when Nepali Dalit students were provided some reservations for higher education. Ever since such laws were made, there have been many outcries from the high-caste people. Paradoxically, Dalit activists and revolutionary leaders talk against affirmative action as if they had experienced one in Nepal. Without contemplating much, they cite the examples of US and India where not all Blacks are liberated and Dalits still form the poor mass. The Maoist government even reduced Dalits’ reservation for higher education from 15 to 9 percent (actually 9 percent of 45 percent, which in actuality becomes 4.5 percent). According to 1991 census, the population of Dalits is 13 percent. Right now Nepal is preoccupied with ethnic feuds and the priority of Dalits has been diluted. Powerful Madhesi and Janajati personalities in Nepali politics have forcefully pushed back Dalits’ agendas to the bottom of the list. Dalits regard this as an especially critical moment because the nation is at the eleventh hour of writing the new constitution. Therefore, 13 percent quotas (if that’s what the census says) in all levels of education, police force, army, government jobs, judiciary and private sectors should be secured for Dalits in the new constitution. The constitutionally-guaranteed right will motivate Dalits to aspire for higher achievements. If one Dalit becomes highly-educated, he will be an example in his community which will help subdue the inferiority-complex lurking amongst Dalit youths (I don’t mean to patronize Nepali Dalits but that’s the situation). To encourage oppressed Nepalis, we need to have proportional reservation in every field where any ambitious citizen (not only high-caste individuals) can recognize his full capacity. And once the level-playing field is created, then they may scrap positive discrimination. But right now, it’s too early to oppose it. My answer to opponents of Dalit quotas is: If US and India didn’t have what they have today i.e. positive discrimination; there would have seen more underclass Blacks and destitute Dalits because none of the ambitions would have turned into a success. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14908 After deliberations that have lasted over a year, Constituent Assembly (CA) has passed a 14-province model. While this model may be altered by the time we have the final draft, the possibility of federalism based on ethno-lingual lines has never looked better. Expectedly, the critics of this model have never been so passionate. Newspapers are filled with articles warning how “careful” we need to be in making this decision, and how ethno-lingual federalism will be a big mistake. This model doesn’t even have a strong political support. Many important politicians, if they could have their way, would perhaps never support any form of federalism, and certainly not ethno-lingual kinds. Not surprisingly, there are talks going on about a High Level Commission on state restructuring. There are also talks about postponing the decision on the nature of federalization i.e. its boundaries and powers after the proclamation of the new constitution! This gives you an idea of the vision these visionaries have on how Nepal should be governed in the future. This also gives you an idea of how strong they are in making tough decisions. Why is it that this form of federalism arouses such strong passions among its critics? Why is it that politicians of all major parties unite when it comes to sabotaging a genuine transfer of power to historically marginalized groups in the country? To understand this, one needs to put oneself in the shoes of a Nepali-speaking upper caste of the country. So far, Nepal’s administration has been in the grip of the Nepali-speaking upper caste. Ethno-lingual federalism such as the 14-province model recently passed will loosen this grip. With provinces demarcated along ethno-lingual lines, the possibility of a Nepali speaking person winning the election as the chief of a province will decrease—especially in the short run, where voters are likely to vote along ethnic lines. Ethno-lingual federalism will give a platform for the marginalized groups to organize better and oppose any systematic discrimination from other groups. To the non-political Nepali-speaking members of the community, suddenly there will be more competition for government jobs. These ethno-lingual units may have their own language as their official language and the Nepali-speaking population may have to learn another language to compete for provincial level administrative jobs. This will also result in more competition for favors from the state. There will be increasing numbers of Janajatis, Madhesis and Tharus who will also have close relationship with the chief ministers or the “head honchos” of the society. In short, the matters of state will start to slip from the grip of the Nepali-speaking elite. It is this reluctance to loosen the grip that results in passionate oppositions. Unfortunately, the critics of this model rarely admit their displeasure at giving up power, and have opposed such federation mainly on the following grounds: (i) That it may lead to disintegration of the country, (ii) that these units will not be economically independent. Such oppositions are unfounded. Besides giving boost to different cultures and languages of Nepal, ethno-lingual federalism will give a platform for the marginalized groups to organize better and oppose any systematic discrimination from other groups or from the central government. With less discrimination against any of these states, the chances of disintegrating will be lower, not higher! Consistent with this common sense, academic research based on studies of a large number of countries also shows that ethno-lingual demarcation actually helps in keeping different communities together. The examples of India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan also convey the same message. That ethno-lingual demarcation will lead to uneven distribution of natural resource and hence unequal prosperity of our citizens is also unscientific. It is impossible to predict the long-term economic value of natural resources with reasonable accuracy. What good does it do to fight over what is inside a black box when we do not know how much the contents are worth? What is certain, though, is that an environment conducive to harnessing resources will bring prosperity. Ethno-lingual federalism may actually help in this regard. It will take away the striking rod of identity-politics to garner votes. It will compel politicians to look for better ways—like better governance. Over a century ago, it was the bravery and wisdom of the forefathers of Nepali-speaking upper caste that saved this land from being a territory of the East India Company. Today, we need their magnanimity and wisdom to save the country from identity-related conflicts that may last for decades. We need this community to loosen their grip with grace. (Writer is an Assistant Professor of Economics and Finance at Texas A&M International University in Texas, US.) 680anand@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14909 We welcome the Central Bureau of Statistics’ (CBS) decision to deploy over 130 enumerators in seven districts to rehearse for Census 2011. The idea behind the rehearsal is to correct the errors to be found in questionnaires so that when about 35,000 enumerators go across the length and breadth of the country to collect data next year, they would be properly equipped to come up with an actual picture of our society, which has witnessed major upheavals in the past one decade. A national census, which is conducted every 10 years, is a very important exercise because the data collected acts as a guide to formulate future policies and programs. Hence, it is imperative that the census is carried out in a scientific manner and the room for error during the entire exercise is as minimum as possible. The past censuses have often been charged with being faulty and providing an incorrect picture of many aspects of our society. Census 2011 holds special significance because in the past decade Nepal has gone through a sea change: A Hindu country has become secular, monarchy has been abolished, we witnessed the Maoists’ most violent offensive against the state post-2001 and, among others, saw the dramatic rise of indigenous and ethnic groups during this period. How has all this changed the mindsets and attitudes of Nepalis? How has internal and external migration, primarily because of the bloody conflict, changed the demography of Nepal’s urban and rural areas? These are questions that beg answers from the upcoming census. And we expect it to provide us nothing but a true picture of the changes. One of the most important steps that need to be taken in order to make the 2011 census a fruitful exercise is to educate the people about its importance before enumerators actually go on the ground to collect data. Most Nepalis still do not understand how the information that they provide would eventually impact their lives. They must be made aware through sensitization campaigns – which should begin immediately – carried out through the media and local-level programs on its significance. If that can be done, we might finally be able to come up with a truer and a holistic picture of our society from this humongous exercise. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14907 In “The Tale of the Fat Tale”, the authors Melinda Kimble and Letha Tawney express the difficulties economists face in trying to price and model the economic and environmental uncertainties surrounding climate change. The basic concept in the article deals with the cost- benefit analysis of reducing emissions and other carbon-related wastes to defuse the increase of greenhouse gases. In an era, where free market economies are prevailing despite the global economic slowdown, it would be foolhardy to ignore the role private companies have begun to play in researching the consequences of global climate change. However, such concerns are undertaken only by a few responsible companies while a majority of private companies engaged in operations across the globe are gargantuan contributors of greenhouse gases. Another interesting aspect of analysis is the inclusion of Harvard economist Martin Weitzman’s pronouncement that the conventional economic analysis of climate change is “arbitrarily inaccurate”. This, he exemplifies by stating that such economic analysis doesn’t take into consideration extreme case scenarios, therefore, suggesting that when you don’t weigh a variety of different options, it is often hard to make an accurate assessment. Moreover, what economists also fail to understand is how fast the developing world is growing both economically and politically. The striving to attain economic and political prowess depends primarily on a nation’s ability to harness her industries, and then participate in a global economic paradigm with the exchange of commodities they create and need from others. This is only possible if countries have industries that are capable of producing commodities. For this enormous consumption of fossil fuel is required. What is evidently ironic is the fact that market-based economies have been primarily responsible for enormous consumption of fossil fuel. Therefore, market-based approaches to climate change mitigation are not consistent with the overall aim of climate change mitigation. The question that needs to be raised is: As global climate change is a global threat, should private firms make money to solve public problems? If profit margins were not lucrative, would private companies be interested in investigating such issues of profound consequences. However, what is also equally true is that there seems to be a growing consensus of the threats we face globally from greenhouse gases. Unfortunately, global politics is often dictated by the politics of economics. Despite being a signatory to the Kyoto Protocol, the United States, for example, is the second-largest emission producer of the world today. The country that produces the most amount of emission is China followed by India. All in all, this simple statistical evidence goes on to suggest that governments of these countries are more concerned in generating profit rather than solving global problems we face collectively. There is a widespread sentiment across the globe that climate change is an issue that “we will deal with later but for now let’s work on maximizing our profits.” This is also because scientific experiments elude us of the fact that we may witness the consequences of climate change only in 50 years. Therefore, people tend to be complacent. In a neoliberal economic paradigm, the concept of alleviating global warming is primarily a farce. For example, even in the United States, offshore drilling near the shoreline of California has now become a real option for the US government to excavate fossil fuel. Another example to this effect is the decision of the German government to develop gas pipelines from Russia to supplement Germany’s energy needs. In the truest sense, governments have actually been supporting private firms resolutely to increase profit margins. For example, Reliance India sought the intervention of the Prime Minister’s Office in India to establish fuel pumps in South Africa. In an era, where free market economies are prevailing despite the global economic slowdown, it would be foolhardy to ignore the role private companies have begun to play in researching the consequences of global climate change. Game theory has also been used by various governments to great effect to squander the chances of alleviating global warming. For instance, game theory is developed on the basis of preempting other’s strike or suspected advancement. Although the game theory was more widely used during the Cold War, it is still being used today in other forms. For example, China has started developing major macro hydropower stations in the Tibetan plateau. This development is a major concern to India because the Brahmaputra River is critical to India’s power supply in the east. The lower level flow of water in the Brahmaputra due to the development of hydro power stations in China has had adverse impacts on the Brahmaputra water levels on the Indian side. Another example is that of Pakistan, India and the US. Recently, the governments of India and the US signed a memorandum in the hope of establishing a nuclear plant to help India meet its energy needs. However, as soon as India and the US signed the nuclear agreement, China offered Pakistan the same package to neutralize India and US. Last, the theory of mercantilism is still very relevant towards the degradation of climate change. Nations have and continue to focus on exporting their products to the outside economies. In fact, what we see today is a form of structural mercantilism prevailing. In such a system, government structures and that of private co-operations too have been modified. These structural adjustments in return facilitate the trade interest of richer countries. And what richer countries continue to do is sustain a system of hegemonic stability. In such a scenario, attempts to mitigate climate change will prove troublesome. This is because the resources of smaller countries are often funneled to the benefit of the developed world and the consumption levels often soar demanding the production of more goods. A shift or a reversal of this pattern will lead to instability or the rise of other powers, thus creating more competition and the usage of fossil fuel will invariably rise. Both the cap-and-trade system along with carbon tax systems are not effective means of mitigating climate change. This is simply because countries such as the US and other economically-powerful countries will pay the tax but continue to produce as much emissions as they want. Such a precedent then motivates other developing nations to flout the carbon tax system laws. Often smaller countries argue that this law is in violation of a country’s sovereignty. The cap and trade system is also equally a farce in which larger companies are expected to pay for the rights to produce a certain amount of emission. But in a corporate world, especially in developing countries, the government is inevitably going to be bought or bribed into lazing the rules of the cap-and-trade system. In fact, even in a developed country, some firms have so strong political influences that it is almost impossible to implement such rules. Moreover, larger companies have the financial capability to buy emission rights of smaller companies. The reason why these proposals dominate the discourse on mitigating global warming is because only developed countries have developed the sophistication to decipher the challenges meted out by global warming. The other reason is because developed nations believe setting up certain benchmarks can help reduce carbon emissions. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14868 “Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain!” Thus commanded the Almighty to the Israelites on Mount Sinai. However, the Hebrews became wiser than the Creator himself and taught that one shouldn’t take God’s name at all. So, they devised means to avoid it. They could use the word “Lord”. Scribes would wash their hands afresh each time they wrote “Lord” in their manuscripts. Then, they could utilize “heaven”. According to the Jewish gospel writer Matthew, both John the Baptist and Jesus initially preached, “Repent for the kingdom of heaven has come near.” Biblical authors and then the common people started using “heaven” when they actually meant the Supreme Deity. Thus was born the phrase “for heaven’s sake”. It expresses disgust, disappointment, and disillusion. Lately, I’ve had to use the phrase “for heaven’s sake” in frustration. The first instance occurred when the media announced that the dreaded load-shedding had increased to 11 hours per day. Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat declared over a BBC (Nepali) interview on Sept 28 (2009) night—Nepalis will suffer no more than 12 hours of daily load-shedding this winter. Earlier, he had stated we wouldn’t face more than 10 hours. On Feb 3, he announced that load-shedding would end by 2015! Another pie in the sky? Last winter, severe load-shedding affected all of us for the first time. The Maoists ran the government then. They laid the blame on previous administrations, but didn’t mention that the hydro-electric plants they destroyed during their 10-year “people’s war” also added to the problem. No new power project saw completion or initiation during that bloody decade. After the UML-led government took over from May 2009, we expected more from our Energy Minister Dr Mahat but the Nepali, easy-does-it syndrome took over. Mahat had promised new “diesel plants” within the country. Didn’t he go on an overseas junket for them? Now these have disappeared from his vocabulary. His aim to repair the broken generating stations has also escaped his memory. Importing more electricity from India never had bright prospects because our southern neighbor has enough power problems of her own. Even then, final talks on that had to wait till the Indian Foreign Minister SM Krishna visited Nepal. Then we were already enduring 9 hours of daily load-shedding. Now we hear that India will provide only 30 megawatts, and that won’t reduce the daily power cuts. Mismanagement and the “Nepali time” thrive in our culture. Let’s take the much touted CFL (compact fluorescent light) scheme the government has rather lamely initiated. The best outcome of that has been the TV ad by Madan Krishna Shrestha and Hari Bansha Acharya. The duo proclaimed that CFL bulbs cost more, but give five times greater brightness than the filament variety of the same wattage. In Kathmandu, some electric hardware shops have begun to “offer” free CFL bulbs. I went to one and asked for my share. He demanded a coupon. Where do I get it? The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) meter-checker should have left one at my home. That miracle hasn’t yet happened. How simple it would have been if we could just take our filament-type bulbs and exchange them for the CFL variety! Having had to cook by candle light during last winter, my family recently installed the 130-watt solar panel set. While that provides light for reading, it can’t run devices like the electric iron, the desktop computer, or the water-pump. In midst of such government apathy or inefficiency, self-help remains the best option. Sensible citizens had begun to use the CFL lamps well before the government’s “free offer”. Having had to cook by candle light during last winter, my family recently installed the 130-watt solar panel set. While that provides light for reading and proved better than using candles, it can’t run devices like the electric iron, the desktop computer, or the water-pump. Still, “a blind maternal-uncle is better than none”, goes the Nepali proverb. Being able to read, shave, and work by solar-powered lamps has proven to be a bonus but not as satisfactory as having power from the mains. Experts have indicated that we’ll be saving 320 megawatts by just eliminating electricity leakage. That would be equivalent to building a medium-sized hydro electric power plant. Outside Kathmandu valley (but also in some places within), the government ceases, and people steal electricity blatantly. While spending four days in Lalgadh (in Janakpur Zone) a few months ago, I came across street lights there. Mere dirt tracks big enough for bullock carts qualify as “streets”. Each wire-carrying pole on the road next to a house boasted a big filament-type light bulb (150 to 200 watts). The “streets” didn’t need such high-powered lamps for carts and bicycles that travel at night. Instead, they illuminated the courtyards and animal sheds of homes next to the poles. Besides, all the temples in Lalgadh (as elsewhere throughout Nepal) receive free electricity which emits light uselessly throughout the night. People cook on electrical stoves by “hooking up” two wires directly unto the transmission lines. Who suffer? The people of Lalgadh. The fans stop functioning after midnight, and the sweltering heat disturbs sleep. Dr Mahat, please do some advance planning for next winter. Should the constitution come out on May 28 and elections take place, your tenure as the energy minister may expire. However, the bloke who follows you will have to carry out your good projects to completion. If you can just get the NEA technicians to crack down on the 320-megawatt leakage, load-shedding will disappear next year. Or, will the government and NEA only tackle new projects that provide commission? I had to utter the phrase “for heaven’s sake” again when the Maoists threatened the Indian GMR-ITD Consortium which is developing the 300-megawatt Upper Karnali Hydroelectric Project. The Maoists are rooting for “national independence” when in reality we can survive only through “international interdependence”. Asking the GMR-ITD Consortium to leave the country will hardly guarantee our sovereignty. If the Maoists believe that Nepal has behaved as a semi-colony of India since the 1816 Sugauli Treaty, tough luck! We can’t choose our neighbors; we have to learn to survive with them. Our location between gigantic China and India doesn’t give us more choice than to live under their influence. Despite some minor problems, we should regard having democratic India as our southern neighbor a great blessing. The 300-megawatt Upper Karnali Hydroelectric Project would eliminate the present load-shedding. It would ensure that at least our children will have uninterrupted power supply prior to their SLC exams. No sane person can fathom why the Maoists have to oppose such a project. Does Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal need the “national independence” issue just to keep his Young Communist League busy? Before that he tried “civilian supremacy”, Maoist-engineered federal states, and parallel governments. Many protest-fatigued Nepalis would readily prefer Indian colonization to Maoist-type of independence if that means more dark nights (due to the closure of the Upper Karnali project), continuous bandas, and hot-air harangues. On Feb 3, the United Maoists announced their fifth phase of protests when they should have been facilitating constitution-writing and cooperation with other parties. For heaven’s sake, Dahalji, permit our country the Upper Karnali Hydroelectric Project; allow us 24 hours of electricity per day in the future. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14869 With the confirmation of Rastriya Beema Sansthan (RBS) to invest Rs 2 billion in the Upper Tamakoshi Hydroelectric Project (UTKHEP), the required financing of Rs 22 billion has been lined up paving the way for the commencement of the project beginning June. At a time when Nepalis are enduring 11-hours of load-shedding everyday, the confirmation by RBS comes as a welcome relief. Once completed, the highly-attractive and low-cost 456-MW project will play a big part in easing Nepal’s power woes. Nepal’s present power demand stands at about 1,000 MW but the existing hydro-power projects have a combined capacity to generate just about 700 MW. Factor in leakages (25 percent of the production capacity) and annual growth in demand (about 10 percent) and it gives a sense of how urgent it is for us to bring projects such as UTKHEP and Upper Karnali Hydropower Project (UKHP) into operation as quickly as possible. An uninterrupted supply of power is vital for the growth of the economy. When companies and industries have to resort to alternate sources of energy to run their businesses, it eats into their profits by taking up their operational costs. This is a big deterrent to entrepreneurs who have already invested huge amounts of money in businesses or are planning to do so. The manufacturing sector is especially hit hard by power cuts. At a time when it is crucial for us to ensure the rise of this sector—its contribution to the economy presently is dismal to say the least—the power scenario as it exists today is crippling its growth. That is also exactly the reason why the Maoists should think twice before needlessly voicing their protests against hydro projects such as the 300-MW UKHP. They must remember that these projects, once complete, will become the lifelines of our economy. While new mega projects are essential to meet our long-term needs, we should also encourage the development of small and medium-scale projects to meet our short- and medium-term needs. What is equally essential is to ‘unbundle’ (gradual reforms ultimately leading to privatization) Nepal Electricity Authority. While we have allowed the entry of Independent Power Producers, we also need to gradually allow competition in the distribution service. It is only such competition that will ensure quality. Coming to UTKHEP, it is the largest project being commissioned solely by domestic investors. The success or the failure of the project will indicate whether or not Nepalis have the capacity to work together for a larger good. Since our pride is at stake, it is imperative for us to weather all odds and complete the project on time. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14867 Experiences around the world have shown that constitution-making in countries, which have suffered the trauma of armed conflicts, is not an easy task. However, we have been trying our best to accomplish the job of drafting a new democratic constitution. History has entrusted national leaders with a big responsibility to create a strong foundation for the transformation of the country to ensure a bright future of the Nepali people. This can be achieved only through an inclusive constitution that guarantees human rights, democracy and constitutionalism. The constitution-making exercise calls for the highest statecraft. It is a special, rare and highest form of political activity. It is an uncommon and unique occasion in the history of a nation to frame a constitution. Being so special, it is essential that those entrusted with the task should be conscious of their great role and importance of their assignment. Basically, constitution-making is an exercise in democratic empowerment. It can contribute significantly to nation- or state-building. Experiences from other countries tell us at least two things: First, a sound constitutional framework is considered very important for an emerging democracy, and great investment of time, and utmost efforts, are devoted by scholars and statesmen. Second, it is a rare opportunity to constitution- and peace-builders in a post-conflict situation to write a new constitution, an immensely difficult task. Renowned constitutional experts like Thomas Cooley and Alexander Hamilton had stated long ago that “the task of constitution-writing is essential to the building of new nations on the basis of ‘reflection and choice’ rather than by ‘accident and force’. For commoners, a constitution may simply mean basic laws relating to the governance of a country. Normally, it defines various organs of the state and enumerates their functions and demarcates their fields of operation. However, a modern constitution, by and large, is more than that. It is the vehicle of a nation’s progress. It has to reflect the best of the past traditions of the nation. It also has to provide a considered response to the needs of the present and possess enough resilience to cope with the emerging challenges and demands of the future. It must not only wipe out the tears of thousands of deprived people, but also be able to offer and assure smiles to the people by securing peace, and paving a path for their progress and prosperity. The constitution-making exercise calls for the highest statecraft. It is a special, rare and highest form of political activity. Eventually, every citizen of the nation must feel allegiance to the document and own the charter as guarantor of his or her basic needs and rights. In a country of immense diversity like Nepal, the constitution should be a national charter of unity in diversity. The diversity is well reflected in the sovereign Constituent Assembly (CA) of 601 elected members. We all understand that a modern constitution has to be a living document; living not for one or two generations but for succeeding generations of men and women. For the first time in Nepali history, we have succeeded in peacefully transforming the country from a monarchy to a democratic republic. Furthermore, we have successfully held the CA elections as a part of constitution- and peace-building process. But, lately, due to power struggles and tussles among political parties, to consolidate their respective party interests, it appears unlikely that the CA members will be able to complete their task to draft the constitution as a consensual document within the stipulated timeframe. It would be unfortunate if the CA fails to produce a constitutional framework before the end of the constitutional deadline. New challenges will emerge in such an eventuality. But political parties have not been sincerely deliberating on issues and implications that the nation may confront if they fail to live up to the popular expectations. A huge challenge lies before us to establish peace and justice through a democratic order, rule of law and democratic constitutionalism. The new constitution should create a basis for Nepal and the Nepali people to ensure unity in diversity, and pave a roadmap for establishing sustainable peace and prosperity. As the principles of democracy, rule of law, human rights and social justice are universal, the fundamentals of constitutionalism cannot be confined to any state’s boundary. Institutions like independent judiciary and free press are the essential watchdogs to protect and strengthen constitutionalism and democratic values. A new constitution should not only mean the emergence of Nepal as an inclusive, secular state; it should also provide clear avenues for conflict transformation, restorative justice, reconciliation, development and efficient leadership. If we cannot incorporate these principles in the new constitution, we will not be able to make a democratic constitution that guarantees not only political rights and freedoms but economic rights and opportunities as well. The ambition of the greatest men of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond our reach, but as long as there are tears and sufferings, our work will not be over. It must be remembered that the constitution-making process is also a state-building process. In the words of Professor Francis Fukuyama “state-building is one of the world’s most important issues for the world community because weak or failed states are the source of many of the world’s most serious problems” including poverty, lawlessness and terrorism, which, according to him, is caused mainly by a “weak, incompetent, or nonexistent government.” Economically-advanced world community has a challenge before it to prescribe ways to transfer their knowledge about state-building. Many of them don’t know ‘how to transfer strong institutions to developing countries’. Professor Fukuyama honestly admits: “We know how to transfer resources across international borders, but well-functioning public institutions require certain habits of mind and operate in complex ways that resist being moved.” This is exactly where the real problems lie. The perception and understanding of state-building from the Western perspective need to be revisited in order to address the issues and problems of post-conflict countries. They have to restore democratic institutions to rebuild nation and accelerate the pace of development not only to meet the basic needs but also to put the nation on the track of progress so that the younger generations in future may be able to work hand-in-hand and also compete with the youths of the Western world. Our vision of the new constitution must therefore meet the requirement of the future while addressing the challenges of the past. (Writer is Member of Constituent Assembly & Nepali Congress Central Committee Member.) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14834 After reading the article in Republica, “Nepalis sell property in Nepal to buy in US,” I was struck that this must be Opposite Day, as there was a time when expats came to Nepal because the cost of living was just a fraction of what it was costing them to survive in their home country of origin. The thought that a Nepali can sell a cold store-size plot of land in Kathmandu and then purchase a suburban Maryland home is just mind-boggling, and confirms my thinking that the world turned upside down while I was asleep. But I should have suspected as much when I last paid the equivalent of US$3 for a 33-cent can of American beans at Shrestha’s Store. These are truly opposite days, and days that are far, far away from those spent by the expats of former Freak Street. What is now observed in New Nepal is a foreign exchange program that is placing 200,000+ well-off Nepalis into suburban America, while uprooted Americans look elsewhere for a nicer (and cheaper) place to call home. However, in this particular downturn of the global economy, I doubt many Americans will be looking to relocate here (to the future Switzerland of Asia) – not when a bottle of Heinz Ketchup is costing well over 2 bucks. But hoping not to sound like a whining foreigner, I’ll stop this kvetching with the observation that at least in some neighborhoods in America, there will be an improvement as more Nepalis move in and restore America to what it once was: Laundry hanging on the rooftops and children playing in the streets. Continuing with the Opposite Day theme, how about those bandas? A Nepali researcher from Tufts University asked me this week about my thoughts on Nepali bandas—did I feel they were good or bad? The question invoked one of my first memories of Nepal, back in 2001 or so, when I lived in Boudha and I though banda meant “holiday” in Nepali. It was an easy mistake for a foreigner to make. After all, there were balloon carts on the street, along with ice cream and cotton candy vendors. Everyone seemed happy and relaxed and children were playing in the middle of the road while their fathers were playing carrom board on the side. There was an eerie quite in town and the air was clear and diesel free. At least in some places in America, there will be an improvement as more Nepalis move in and restore America to what it once was: Laundry hanging on the rooftops and children playing in the streets. So, for years, I thought these labor strikes were national holidays of some sort, and I grew to appreciate the extra days off, along with neighbors and friends. And even as I began to understand the meaning of banda, my initial thoughts remained the same: Time off. Downtime. Time to reconnect with family and friends, even if fresh bread and milk was not delivered, or you could not get petro at the pump. Now call me crazy kuire, but in a democracy it seems that groups have a right to burn a tire or shut down public transportation when the need arises. If the public cannot raise their voices in protest of an injustice, then what are we but sheep being led to slaughter? I remember a time (back in the US) when people were just this way: Vocal about injustice. When the government went to nutty war, college campuses would erupt in protest. When teachers’ salaries were about to be slashed again, schools would be shut and picket lines formed. And when TV writers wanted more compensation for their hard work, new episodes of the Simpsons were not aired. Those were the days of democracy in action—days when labor unions and students had a say in the shaping of a Great Nation. Nowadays, American unions are vilified and blamed for everything from massive state budget deficits to pedophilia in the school systems. And the police stun students who speak out of turn on public campuses almost instantly: “Don’t tease me, bro!!!” So these are indeed all signs that perhaps Opposite Day should have a holiday of its own, and inaugurated on the traditional calendar. On this day, all things that went this way, but now go that way, could be commemorated and celebrated. For example, when dangerous prisoners are released from California state prisons early, and the Gubernator of that great state declares that this will reduce crime—that becomes a line item on the Opposite Day celebration. When the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change declares that all Himalayan glaciers will melt by 2035, but then says “oops” they miscalculated (and don’t worry the rest of the data is correct), that also becomes a point to remark on Opposite Day. And when the government of the New Nepal declares tax victory over the planned opening of KFC and Pizza Hut in Jawalakhel, this is another reason to celebrate Opposite Day, especially if you are a dentist or a pharmacist. So with all of this in mind, here is what I propose: That Opposite Day be celebrated in conjunction with April Fools’ Day, on April 1 of each year. In joining the two, we can perhaps raise awareness and be dismissed both at the same time, instead of waiting for our desires and demands to be dismissed over the course of the upcoming year. As it does seem that the voice of the people and actions of government stand completely opposite of each other. Don’t you agree? (Writer is quirky-kinda expat happily living in the Kathmandu valley with Nepali family, friends, and a very large dog.) herojig@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14836 The United Kingdom´s sudden and unexpected decision to stop accepting student visa applications from parts of South Asia, including Nepal, starting February 1 has left many students high and dry. The UK´s Border Agency, which looks into applications from foreign nationals entering the UK, has also suspended the licenses of over 100 private colleges where thousands of South Asian students, Nepalis among them, are studying. Since the agency has said that it might cancel operations by the colleges if investigations find them violating standard provisions, the future of Nepalis in these colleges hangs in the balance. The UK agency has tried to justify its harsh decision, arguing that there was a huge inflow of ´unqualified´ students from South Asia. If there was indeed such an inflow, it was because the UK relaxed its visa policy to ´compete´ with other developed countries, particularly the US and Australia, in attracting foreign students. And if students who made it to the UK have been enrolled in colleges that do not meet standard criteria, it´s not the fault of the students. The colleges should not have gotten their operating licenses in the first place. The UK agency cannot, therefore, change the rules in the middle of the game, leaving many foreign students in distress. If the Border Agency, under extreme circumstances, decides to cancel operational licenses for some of the private colleges, it must also decide ways to compensate the students enrolled there. There is also the issue of students who already have visa appointments with the UK embassy in Kathmandu and have already sent part of their tuition fees to the UK colleges. If the visa applications remain suspended for some time resulting in forfeiture of the advance money sent by students, they should be duly compensated. The current suspension bars even deserving students who have the necessary competence and finances for study in reputed UK universities. The UK should take a decision on this issue with due promptness. We also have a piece of advice for Nepali students aspiring for further studies abroad, and for their parents. There are ample cases where undeserving, incompetent students apply to go abroad for studies. If they have not scored well in exams in Nepal--or in the worst cases have failed those exams -- they will not be able to perform well abroad either. But an increasing trend among students is to pursue studies abroad simply to escape difficulties they face in Nepal. Unfortunately, some parents also seem to believe that studies-abroad visas for their children mean the end of all of their own hardships and troubles. Things are not that simple. If their children haven´t proved their academic caliber in Nepal, and if they haven’t secured the necessary finances, parents should not encourage their children to go abroad for studies. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14835 Nepali Congress (NC), the party that played a leading role during the 2006 Democratic Movement, is facing a leadership as well as an organizational crisis. Despite winning two general elections earlier with a simple majority, it has now been reduced to the second-largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. But why? Is it because Nepalis prefer communism instead of democratic ideologies? Or is there something wrong with the NC leadership, the largest democratic party? NC, under the leadership of B P Koirala, had secured two-thirds majority in the first parliamentary election held in 1958 securing 74 out of 109 seats but it managed to secure only 114 seats in the CA polls held in 2008 under the leadership of GP Koirala. As the oldest surviving democratic party of Nepal, NC has a history of 60 years of active democratic exercise during which period it led almost all the major revolutions and agitations in the country. Be it the revolution of 1950 against the Rana regime, student movement of 1980 that led to the announcement of referendum, the People’s Movement of 1990 or the People’s Movement Part II of 2006, NC led the way. So, why did NC suffer defeat in the CA elections against all expectations? As an organization, NC has been suffering a lot, though Koirala’s personal image and personality has proved instrumental in assuming a key role in the current political stage. The party, which brought the Maoists to mainstream politics, ending the decade-long armed insurgency, is lagging behind. Why? In the Hindu epic Mahabharata, we find that after the end of many years of war, Krishna helps Pandavas to become victorious. But after the victory, the entire dynasty of Krishna, i.e. Yaduvanshas, witness a devastating end. Is the NC heading towards a fate similar to that of Yaduvanshas? Who is going to steer the party after Koirala? NC leaders and cadres themselves don’t seem to have a suitable candidate in mind. Second-generation leaders like Shushil Koirala, Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ramchandra Poudel have not convincingly displayed their ability and skill to steer the party in the 21st century. They lack boldness, a clear vision, and enthusiasm as per the need of the hour. Each suffer from distinctive negative public image—Sushil Koirala is viewed as very narrow-minded, Deuba as chicken-hearted and Poudel as one who lacks a clear vision and inclined toward regressive forces. All of them failed to live up to the people’s expectation when they had their chances. Meanwhile, third-generation leaders like Sujata Koirala, Bimalendra Nidhi, Prakash Man Singh, Ram Sharan Mahat, Narahari Acharya are rising in the party’s leadership hierarchy with more enthusiasm and vigor. But the party cadres appear hesitant to accept these younger generation leaders as national figures. In such a situation, there exists no alternative than opting for collective leadership. If the third-generation leaders can cooperate and work together closely, there is no doubt that they can provide better alternatives to the party. NC lacks a proper cadre evaluation system. Those who are close to the party’s top leadership fare better than those who focus on arresting workers’ attrition in the villages and remote areas. The party has postponed its general convention a number of times due to dispute over active membership distribution. There is a tendency within the NC leadership to capture party’s organization at any cost instead of winning the hearts of its members. The party also needs to hike up cooperation, collaboration and unity, which is badly needed at this moment. To revamp its organizational effectively and win the next general election, NC has to focus on four important factors: Leadership, Organization, Vision and Enthusiasm, (LOVE). LEADERSHIP Leaders like B P Koirala, Suvarna Shumsher Rana, Surya Prasad Upadhyaya and Ganesh Man Singh, who had steered NC in the past are lacking at present. These leaders had vision, boldness, ability and people’s love and support as well. The party no longer has such able leaders. Congress leaders should analyze the current national and international situation, chalk out programs and policies as per the need of the hour and mobilize their cadres to regain people’s confidence and lead the country toward a bright future. ORGANIZATION NC’s party organization was weakened during the decade-long insurgency waged by Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). As a result, its activities are limited to the capital city and other urban areas of the country. At the village level, its leaders and party workers cannot campaign effectively due to the Maoist threat and intimidation. Therefore, NC needs to make an effort to reach out to people at the grass root level and penetrate remote areas to win their hearts. The party also lacks a proper cadre evaluation system while nepotism and favoritism continue to be its hallmarks. Those who are close to the party’s top leadership fare better than those who focus on arresting workers’ attrition in the villages and remote areas. Therefore, the party needs to revamp its organization by launching people-oriented programs and activities. VISION NC has been following the ideology of democratic socialism since 1956. In fact, some Western countries adopted the ideals of democratic socialism to counter the growing influence of communism with the rise of Soviet Union and communist China in the 1960s. With the fall of Soviet Union and the subsequent end of the cold war, there is no ideological competition in the world. Now, the international socialist movement has slowed down and the world is guided by market economy, liberalization, globalization and privatization. Not surprisingly, NC has never reviewed its ideological doctrine in the changed national and international contexts. Is it relevant to follow socialism in this rapidly globalized and liberalized world? Maybe, Nepal being a country dominated by communist ideologies, it is still relevant to adopt some principles of welfare economics, but discussion on this regard has never taken place within the party. What is the right economic model for the country to revamp the economy after the devastating effects of the decade-long insurgency? How can Nepal compete with other South Asian and South-East Asian countries in the increasingly globalized and liberal economy? We need leaders who can steer the party as well as the country towards the right direction. ENTHUSIASM NC party workers seem to lack enthusiasm while the Maoists have stirred up theirs in the name of “civilian supremacy” and “national independence”. Maoist leaders are issuing slogans after slogans, not only to oppose the government and to criticize India, but also to engage their party cadres. They are working on many fronts simultaneously—running trade unions, organizing Young Communist League members, coaxing People’s Liveration Army soldiers and so on. In stark contrast, NC has no programs to keep its workers engaged. They continue to remain idle as the party leadership has neither outlined any responsibilities nor programs to engage them productively. There are so many areas such as social work, community-based activities, cleaning campaign, conservation campaign, et al, in which party workers can be engaged. Similarly, there also exist pressing issues like lengthy power cuts, price hikes, scarcity of consumer goods, lack of transport services, frequent strikes and shutdowns. All these problems offer an opportunity to the NC to launch programs and involve party cadres to make the people feel that something is being done for them. The opposition party, the Maoists, are cashing in on problems like price hike, border encroachment, civilian supremacy and so on. Why is the ruling coalition, especially the Nepali Congress silent on these issues? Last but not the least, NC also needs to cleanup its image and free itself from the grip of an outdated mentality and corrupt leaders. sirish27@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14833 Why is there such a hush, hush about sex? Why are “social custodians” against the free flow of sex? Even as I write on this topic, why do I feel a pressure to drop it right now? Maybe it is due to the remote fear of being ridiculed. There is something in our social psyche which denounces sex as something “degrading”. Thus, today I am compelled to ask myself – “Is sex wrong?” My own experience is that nature prompts sexual cravings during their early teen age years. Psychoanalysts claim that the craving can be witnessed even in five-year-olds. Modern scientists go as far to say that craving for sexual gratification can be seen even in a fetus inside the womb. If it is so, why is sex not an issue to be discussed openly? Sadly even if someone tries to discuss about it, either there is reluctance or a fear of being “pornified”. Freud stated that repression of ‘Eros’ or sexual energy can lead a person to develop abnormalities. Even Osho Rajnish has stated in one of his books that the repression of “straight sex” by society is resulting in sexual perversions. Though all of us may not completely agree with them, it is true that sexual repression results in at least some amount of tension in young minds. Indeed, as Rousseau said, human beings are born free but they find themselves in chains. Sometimes I find it worthwhile to question myself: Why do such chains exist in the society? Many might argue that sex is wrong and degrading. If that is so, can we say that the very act of procreation in nature is wrong? If it is so degrading, why does it exist in the first place? Secondly, there are those who would cry aloud that sex is to society what blasphemy is to religion. I would like to pose them a question: Are you aware of Ratikala and Kamasutra of Sanskrit literature and Hinduism? Or at least, have you seen the “obscene yet sacred” statues and images in old temples. Lenin regarded sex just as a “glass of water”. You are thirsty before swallowing it but after drinking it, it is nothing to you. It almost holds no importance to some people. For many, sexual lust is something that wears away the craving for knowledge in a person. Many might agree to the “great” men and their sayings. But how can we know about the futility of a decaying filth without smelling its stench? Lastly, I would like to ask all the “moral custodians”: Who is there to point what is moral and immoral? There are brothels in Thamel and that is an open secret and they continue only because there is a demand for sex in the market. So, why not make it legal? I am aware that many sex workers are in the business reluctantly. However, there surely must be many who would like to continue it as a profession. Why not give official recognition to those workers? If that happens, with constant monitoring of the government, there can be a decrease in rapes and forced prostitution and a whole new market can thrive for sex tourism. Sex workers themselves can have better rights after acquiring official recognition and the society at large can also benefit from it. Though this writer is not of much importance, I am sure, this proposal is “obscene” enough for people to torch his effigy in the streets of Kathmandu. There are hypocrites around here, among us, who secretly lick the honey and guard the pot enviously. It is for these “moral crooks” that the gift of nature – sex – is wrong. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14763 The still unfolding story of the siphoning off of foreign currency from Nepal to Hong Kong-based banks exposes a dangerous trend of capital flight. This is not the first time that capital flight has taken place -- there was much anecdotal evidence of capital being taken out from the country to India and beyond. What is different this time is the amount of money involved and the banking channel being used to siphon away the hard-earned greenbacks. The amount—US$ 100 million—is the biggest ever flight of foreign exchange to banks abroad on the pretext of import transactions. As much as this shows the desperation of those who want to take capital out of the country it also exposes the vulnerability of our banking system and standard import procedures to such abuse. Imports from Tibet seem to have been chosen strategically to siphon off the money since trade with Tibet and mainland China operates through draft/TT and not through Letter of Credit (LC) as happens with third-country imports. It is possible that Hong Kong was chosen as the final destination for conversions of drafts/TT, bearing in mind that it would be much more difficult for Nepali authorities to track down and bring back the money. Since the investigation is at a preliminary stage it is difficult to ascertain the role of government agencies-- especially customs officials at Tatopani -- and of officials at banks from which the drafts/TT originated, in this multi-million dollar capital flight in foreign exchange. But questions easily arise; how could they have failed to notice that such a huge amount of foreign currency was going out on the pretext of importing raw wool when the carpet industry is struggling to survive? Virtually none of the consignments coming from Tibet costs more than US$10,000, but in this particular operation one consignment cost up to US$ 49,000. Why didn’t this raise suspicion among bank officials handling the transactions? The central bank and the Finance Ministry were also slow in tracking the misdeed. For months they worried about the fast depletion in foreign currency reserves, mainly due to a surge in imports, and took different measures to check the imports and discourage consumption. But they didn’t bother to scrutinize the drafts/TT and LCs to see where the money was going. If the central bank and the government department concerned had been a bit more vigilant, the irregularity could have been traced and due action taken long ago. But better late than never. The Revenue Investigation Department, the agency handling the investigation, should now leave no stone unturned to get to the bottom of the scam and expose the people behind it. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14761 Eyeing immediate gains and convenience, our selfish and short-sighted politicians eventually succumbed to the pressures of the vocal and powerful minorities, neglecting the silent majority. The State Restructuring Committee of the Constituent Assembly (CA) in its concept paper on the restructuring of state recommended federalizing the nation into 14 states of which 10 will be ethnic states where ‘agradhikar’ (special right) to become the chief minister will be reserved for one community only. Unless corrected by the CA, this will pave the way for ethnic tensions and strife leading ultimately to the disintegration of the country. Incorporating provisions of ‘agradhikar’ seemed neo-apartheid to many while it was seen as victory by some. The dominance of some 10 ethnicities over about 90 others will only polarize the hitherto one Nepali society. ‘Agradhikar’, a concept that goes against the norms of democracy and equality, will fuel animosity on both sides of the divide, both when implemented and withdrawn (if ever). Politico-social inclusion, economic enhancement and education uplift and empowering communities are not ‘agradhikar’. Remember, the masses of Yadavs of Nepal and Dalits of India haven’t benefited from Ram Baran Yadav and K R Narayanan’s accession to presidency. As no state has the majority of any community because of the mixed distribution of ethnic population nationwide, the ethnic states will be ruled by one minority community or the single-largest community, at most. Naturally, other communities, which together form the majority, will in all likelihood resent. Besides, the reason to form 10 states on ethno-linguistic basis and four others –Sunkoshi, Narayani, Karnali and Khaptad – on geographical grounds is not clear. Those four states could have been named after Khas and Dalits, thus recognizing and respecting their identity too. For whatever reason, this was not done. The resulting Khas discontentment, albeit dormant now, may explode later. Do the leaders realize this? Not only Khas, even others who have their own states with ‘agradhikar’ but who had been living in other provinces are unhappy as they will be reduced to second-class citizens. Take for example Newars outside Kathmandu valley, Tharus of eastern and central Tarai, Magars and Gurungs of eastern hills, Rais of Nuwakot district and the like. The ethno-federalist lobby has always maintained that federal states are essential for the uplift of marginalized and ‘oppressed’ communities. Fine. Then, why haven’t Dalits – the most oppressed of all castes and communities – been given a state of their own? While large states have been proposed for communities that form less than 1 percent of the population (like Sherpas) and even for communities that hardly exist (such as Jad), there are no states for Khas and Dalits, who constitute 32 percent and 7 percent of the population respectively. The list of anomalies and irrationalities are long. In fact, no scientific or logical basis has been adopted in the whole process. Politics of pressure and appeasement of minorities had been the only criteria. As a result, even before the states are born, disputes, claims and counterclaims with regard to borders and places between rival communities have multiplied. That is why the lawmakers who declared states deliberately chose not to demarcate the state’s boundaries and territories. In a nutshell, ethnic federalism has antagonized most and gratified a few. Madhesis are not satisfied as Madhes has been divided not only into two separate states but also on two separate parameters. Eastern Madhes (Mithila-Bhojpura) has been formed on linguistic-regional lines while the focus is ethnicity in case of western Madhes (Tharuhat-Abadh-Lumbini). Both homogeneity and diversity of Madhes have been neglected. Real or perceived, the dangers of possible secession and blockade of upper regions by an all-encircling and extended Madhes has always scared non-Madhesi leaders. So, my question is: Why go for ethnic federalism in the first place amidst fears, suspicions and distrusts of this kind? Our politicians advocate the right to self-determination but oppose the right to secession. What they haven’t understood is that federal states are not controlled laboratories, which they can handle with push-buttons. Can they tell what safeguards or plans they have in mind in case some provincial assemblies – the sovereign body of the state – pass a resolution to secede? Many of the proposed states aren’t economically- and geographical-viable, which means that not only can’t they generate surplus revenue for the center or even just enough for themselves but they also need to be given heavy subsidies. The states are asymmetrical not only in terms of territories and terrains but also in terms of feasibilities and opportunities. The huge inter-state gap in terms of human, natural and financial resources will have a spiral effect on the whole nation. If ethnocentric federalism is really viable, its supporters need not be afraid to agree to the proposals for a plebiscite to decide on the issue, which can be preceded by a national deliberation on its merits and modalities. But they won’t because they know that ethnic federalism can’t stand the public scrutiny as it is neither viable nor desirable. I know that instead of answering the above questions/ arguments, our leaders and lawmakers will, as usual, dismiss them as regressive, Brahminical, Khas monopolistic, status-‘quoist’ and even monarchist. But real and imminent problems beg real and immediate solutions; they can’t be solved by escapism or rhetoric. Catastrophic examples of ethnic federalism are many – from Yugoslavia to Sudan to Nigeria – successful examples none. Still, it is not too late. It is time our leaders chose not to open the Pandora’s Box. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14760 As Nepal struggles to institutionalize the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), management of ex-combatants and their rehabilitation and reintegration must be addressed efficiently and justifiably. Despite agreeing on the framework of the chain of command by establishing secretariat of the Special Committee and finalizing code of conduct for ex-combatants, Prime Minister (PM) Madhav Kumar Nepal faces additional challenges to officialize the proposed 112-day plan to shut down cantonments, and convince the UCPN (Maoist) about modalities, numbers and timeline for rehabilitation and reintegration by April 30, 2010. Even though the release of disqualified ex-combatants have begun and is going smoothly, political negotiations are being continuously held among senior political actors to find consensus regarding their future and the numbers to be integrated into the national security agencies, particularly in the Nepal Army (NA). Basically, the PM’s proposed plan outlines three options for former combatants to chose from—politics, rehabilitation and reintegration. First, politics cannot be included as a part of the rehabilitation and reintegration package. In a democratic society, the option to join politics should be left to individuals and not imposed upon them. Second, rehabilitation which includes skill-based training, formal and informal education, and financial incentives seem to be incomprehensive and shortsighted. The government cannot and should not guarantee lifelong livelihoods to people, including ex-combatants. It must, instead, focus on laying down the ground works for economic sustainability and aim to assist creating employment opportunities so that the combatants are not forced to join/form splinter groups and criminal gangs. Similarly, the plan should carefully consider political, economic and social aspects, emotional satisfaction and personal security. Third, reintegration is always extremely important and a critical factor for ex-combatants and the state in post-conflict societies due to the attached emotional and political sentiments. In this complex scenario, rehabilitation and reintegration should be outlined without hurting the feelings of current security agencies and respecting the combatants’ positive contribution for the country. While this plan appears to be quite flexible regarding integration in Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and National Intelligence Department, or any other new security institutions, it is quite hesitant to accept them into the NA. Since UCPN (Maoist) want their soldiers to be integrated in NA due to political and strategic reasons, narrowing down their chances of doing so could be opposed by the combatants. This can easily obstruct their overall management, rehabilitation and reintegration. Numerous arguments are made for and against integration of the former combatants, and timing for management. First, the anti-Maoist faction seeks a mandatory finalization of their future before the new constitution is made, but doing so undermines the basic thrust of CPA and constitution-making process. If this argument continues to dominate, completion of the new constitution itself could be postponed for an indefinite period of time. The constitution-making process and management of ex-combatants can be conducted simultaneously and should not interfere with each other. If former combatants are rehabilitated or integrated without due process, it will cause a serious setback to the peaceful transformation of the country, the ongoing peace process and activities of the Constituent Assembly. Second, the anti-Maoist faction is also rooting for absolute rejection of ex-combatants being integrated into NA. This, again, could have negative consequence on the long-term political stability and peace. This argument seems to be formulated based on biasness and prejudice because the CPA presumes possible integration of ex-combatants in the NA, and other national security agencies. Therefore, a transparent process is essential to outline criteria for integration by keeping in balance politics and existing security establishment. Certain criteria must be formulated based on principles of flexibility, fairness and durable peace, and those combatants willing to join the national security agencies must fulfill the minimum standards. Third, the hard-line demand of UCPN (Maoist) for integrating their cadres in the NA en masse is not justified, and will prove costly and inappropriate. This idea establishes an extremely negative precedence and could push the country towards militarization. It is neither possible for the country nor can ever be considered economically viable in a post-conflict nation like Nepal. The UCPN (Maoist) leadership should display high flexibility during the preparation of strategies for rehabilitation and reintegration without undermining their cadres’ sentiments and militancy, and understanding the essence of strengthening national security agencies. While preparing a rehabilitation and reintegration plan for former combatants, the government should immediately mobilize the Democratization Committee of the NA formed by the cabinet. The government should also take assistance of the High-Level Political Mechanism to increase confidence among political actors about the future of ex-combatants, and reduce existing mistrust and tension that has been disrupting proper enforcement of the CPA and nation-building process. The PM’s proactive role must be appreciated in this regard, but public discussions are essential to establish accountable and transparent methods and ensure ownership of stakeholders during decision-making process. Deals regarding ex-combatants done in isolation cannot be sustainable. Hence, the focus should be on preparing criteria and minimum standards with the provision of independent monitoring, and reasonable timeline that are effective and enforceable through inclusive and public participatory approach. A deadline without timeline and process would be unrealistic, insensitive and inappropriate. peace_sb@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14720 Our ‘development partners’ should also share the blame The World Bank’s recent Nepal Enterprise Survey says that the country fares worse than the South Asian average in terms of two major physical infrastructures needed for industrial development and economic growth – Power and Transportation. Shortage of power and transport infrastructure swells costs, affects distribution, and increases supply-losses. It also works as a major obstacle not just for manufacturing sector but tourism sector as well. Let’s start with a blame game. Who is responsible for this severe bottleneck in power and roads in Nepal? The politicians (because they are always the easy targets), political instability and decade-long insurgency (of course, it did hinder growth in major infrastructure sectors both in terms of investment and project execution), and lack of funds (we never had surplus saving to finance our infrastructure expansion). But the buck shouldn’t stop here. It will be unfair if it does. Our ‘development’ partners – the bilateral and multilateral donors – should also shoulder the blame. Take, for instance, the role of the World Bank, the multilateral institution that was founded primarily to invest in reconstruction and development. Remember that the World Bank’s original name was International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) but in how many road and power projects has the World Bank invested in Nepal in the last one decade or since mid-seventies? Where did the Bank invest the committed money after it withdrew from Arun III hydro-power project in the mid-nineties? How many power projects have been funded under the Power Development Fund (PDF) that was constituted by the Bank after the Arun-III debacle? There is virtually no investment in power generation by the Bank and its only ongoing road project is Nepal Road Sector Development Project, which targets five hilly districts that lack all-season road access. It’s not just the multilateral assistance but there is also a complete dearth of bilateral aid in the area of vital physical infrastructures. Do you remember any ongoing road or power projects financed by the US or the UK or Germany? There is none. It’s only Japan that is constructing Sindhuli-Bardibas road. The Western democracies have long stopped financing key physical infrastructure projects and have shifted their focus towards social developments in recent decades. Their core assistance area is ‘institutionalizing’ democracy and building social capital. There are some good results of this focus, especially in social sector. Nepal has made strides in child and maternal mortality rates, life expectancy has grown, access to health and education has improved and social awareness is much better now. This, however, didn’t lead to democratic stability nor did it lead to social stability. Here, once again, we can blame the politicians. But the problem is more complex than it meets the eye. Our social strife and democratic instability is, to a large extent, a result of huge imbalance between the national capacity for economic growth and people’s expectations, fuelled by growing awareness. In absence of basic infrastructures, our manufacturing sector has stagnated. The service sector is relatively robust but it alone cannot and has not been able to absorb the unemployment pressure. Result: Tens of thousands of youths who enter the job market remain unemployed. Thanks to foreign employment opportunities that has absorbed two million Nepalis. If that option wasn’t available to our youths, Nepali society would have been in complete disarray. What kind of democracy are we trying to ‘institutionalize’ and what kind of support are we getting from ‘mature’ democracies in this regard? One thing has become evident by now. Democracy cannot sustain if the society doesn’t improve its productive capacity and provide its people with jobs, income and hope. We cannot create jobs so long as there are severe infrastructural bottlenecks. It will only create distortions as we are witnessing now. Due to infrastructure deficit, coupled with political instability, no one is willing to invest in the manufacturing sector since it’s not competitive at all. Where are Nepalis investing then? No prize for guessing, it’s in real estate. From business houses to rich families to middle-income professionals to virtually anyone who can save has invested in land. We are, in our own ways, becoming like Americans. Until before the financial crisis, the US heavily borrowed money from China and the Americans used bank finances to buy and sell houses, artificially inflating the housing prices. So long as the housing bubble continued, the Americans were a happy lot since they lived under an illusory affluence that encouraged them to become profligate in their spending. With 520 million rupees of remittance money pouring in Nepal everyday, we are also under an illusion that our economy is doing fine. Like Americans, we are also borrowing from banks and investing in real estate, artificially raising the prices and feeling good about it, because rising land prices give us a false sense of affluence. This is not going to change unless we do something to address our infrastructural bottlenecks. Investing in power and roads are keys to give our economy the much-needed turnaround. Nepal, a poor country that spends about 70 percent of its revenue in regular expenditure, cannot do it alone. The multilateral development agencies like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank and the bilateral donors must rethink their ‘development’ strategy and invest in physical infrastructure development in poor countries like Nepal. Luckily, China, our northern neighbor, is emerging as the major lender to the developing countries when it comes to infrastructure investment. Chinese loans come fast and with no strings attached, unlike many multilateral agencies’ loans. Since China has hinted its willingness to extend a loan of up to one billion US dollars for infrastructure projects in Nepal, we should seize this opportunity without any delay. We should also knock on the door of the southern neighbor for more investment in Nepal’s infrastructure building. That will be good for Nepal but it will also be good for both China and India. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14719 I had met him only once. Though I enjoy some public prominence as a journalist, he did not know me. He does not listen to the BBC Nepali Service or read Nepali newspapers – my primary platforms – because of his self-confessed embarrassingly limited command of the language. Yet, on our first meeting, he straightaway agreed to donate US$4,000 to the charitable initiative that I, along with like-minded friends, had started several years ago. On the second occasion, he pledged US$133,000 (NRs 10 million) for the same cause without a shred of reluctance. The gesture was all the more unbelievable because of his firm insistence on anonymity. I know a lot of individuals and big corporate houses making relatively insignificant philanthropic contributions and managing to get disproportionate publicity. Here I was with a person who had met me only twice and was extending such unbelievable support with a hand he wanted to keep entirely hidden. Siddhartha Rana is a quiet and – evidently – decent young Nepali industrialist. During my decade-long bittersweet experience of raising funds for HELP NEPAL Network (www.helpnepal.net), One Dollar a Month Fund for Nepal, I have never come across such a person. He heads Tara Management, which is the corporate entity that represents his family holdings in various businesses such as Sipradi Trading Pvt Ltd and its associate companies, Bhote Koshi Power Company and Surya Nepal. They are some of the highest tax-paying private companies in Nepal. Despite leading such massive business enterprises, he is virtually out of the world of publicity. Siddhartha’s family has in the past taken the lead to provide funds for the restoration of the 17th century Jagannath Temple in the Kathmandu Durbar World Heritage Site. His family businesses, led by his father Prabhakar Rana at the time, made a major contribution toward the project. Apparently, this was the first time that a Nepali corporate campaign had provided 50 percent of the costs with matching grant from the Robert W Wilson Challenge for Conserving Our Heritage (World Monuments Fund, USA). Their donation of most of the US$150,000 from the Nepali side was an extremely positive piece of story, but it did not figure anywhere in the media. I found out about it through the website of the Kathmandu Valley Preservation Trust. Unlike various national and international charities, HELP NEPAL Network has a unique policy of not using a single penny from the charitable donations on administrative purposes. That has been a challenge. Initially, the executive members themselves, all volunteers, contributed towards overheads. However, as the charity’s work expanded, regular financial contribution for administrative purposes from the executive members and a couple of generous donors appeared neither reasonable nor sustainable. Hence, we embarked on a campaign to set up a HELP NEPAL Administrative Fund of at least US$100,000. The interest would be used to meet the overheads. As HELP NEPAL’s primary focus is not to seek assistance from large international donors but to promote philanthropy in the country through the help of Nepali individuals and institutions, the idea was to find 25 Nepalis willing to donate at least US$4,000 each. Again, that was a tall order in the Nepali context. Our intention was to present those donors as examples to inspire other reluctant but relatively well-off Nepalis into philanthropy. My first meeting with Siddhartha took place at a modest restaurant in London back in 2006 through the courtesy of writer and entrepreneur Sujeev Shakya, who used to work with Siddhartha at the time. It was Shakya who had suggested me to speak to Siddhartha about the Administrative Fund initiatives. Unlike in the UK, where I was living and working at that time, the aristocracy in Nepal is least bothered about philanthropy. Instead, the Marwari ethnic business community has been much more generous and forthcoming in charitable activities. Hence, I was not very hopeful about Shakya’s suggestion. However, I thought there was no harm in trying. When I met Siddhartha, he appeared surprisingly humble and un-aristocratic. He listened attentively and instantly agreed to make a donation. After that meeting in 2006, we neither met nor communicated until I returned to Kathmandu from London permanently last April. By then, our target of raising US$ 100,000 for the Administration Fund from Nepali donors had been achieved. But the charity’s works were expanding. We had constructed or repaired the buildings of over 15 small schools, established 15 libraries, were running a health post in remote Mugu district and were constructing another health post in Salahi. We were also building a huge orphanage in the outskirts of Kathmandu at the cost of 8 million rupees. It was becoming clear that the interest earnings of US$100,000 were not going to be enough to coordinate all those activities and run the office. We set out to raise another US$133,000 (10 million rupees). I started writing to several corporate houses but with little success. Meanwhile, I had been hearing more good things about Siddhartha, especially through one of his CEOs and a close friend of mine, Shambhu Dahal. That encouraged me to write to him urging to donate either the whole of 10 million rupees or at least one-fourth of it. I also wrote about what HELP NEPAL Network had achieved by then. Siddhartha sent me a prompt response. We subsequently met for lunch at the poolside of his sprawling Soaltee Hotel one fine day in September last year. He was accompanied by Dahal. We chatted for over two-and-a-half hours, mainly on issues relating to philanthropy. Initially, he suggested that he would donate to specific projects relating to education. However, I explained to him that HELP NEPAL was in a phase where firm institutionalization of the organization had become more vital than the funds for projects, which were becoming increasingly difficult to handle due to the lack of a proper set-up. Siddhartha was entirely appreciative of what I said and instantly made a firm commitment to donate the whole of 10 million rupees, which was received on Friday. I know people in Nepal who have donated more than Siddhartha to causes associated to their name or that of the family. There is no harm in doing so. But I hardly know any Nepali who has donated 10 million rupees to a charity so unconnected personally. Siddhartha further suggested that he would like to dissolve Tara Foundation, the charitable wing of his business empire. “There is no need of overlapping. If in the US, Bill Gates’ foundation can be trusted by Warren Buffet for his philanthropic activities, why can’t we do the same in Nepal? I am convinced that HELP NEPAL is a transparent and dedicated charity and it would make perfect sense to help it rather than doing things on my own.” At this point, our conversation took an unexpected twist. Siddhartha went on to say that he would like to remain anonymous about his donation. This posed an instant dilemma to me. Clearly, I could not disrespect his desire for privacy. However, his commitment was something unprecedented in Nepal, which, I thought, needed proper publicity. Nepal is badly in need of role models and Siddhartha was about to set an example so worthy of emulation. Yet, he vigorously and genuinely insisted that “publicity about philanthropy was vulgarity.” In an effort to penetrate his steadfastness, I stressed the importance of promoting this kind of positive news also as a way of discouraging the rampant negativism pervading society. “It is not about highlighting you,” I said, “it is about inspiring others to follow suit”. Finally, but with great palpable reluctance, Siddhartha gave me permission to make the donation public. In usual circumstances, there would have been a high-profile handover ceremony, but nothing as such was to happen. I parted with an astonishing sense of respect for a man I was even hesitant to meet initially. The neediest of Nepalis do not know Siddhartha. Nor does he know them. But I will not be wrong in assuming that he will be blessed by all those desperately looking for help to escape the grinding poverty that just kills them day in and day out. Figures suggest that 85 percent of the word’s distributable wealth is accumulated in the hands of 10 percent of the people. Just imagine how better off the world would be if each one of them was as generous as Siddhartha. Through his gesture and spirit, I am sure Siddhartha will continue to inspire all kinds of people towards the nobility of philanthropy. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14725 Traffic chaos has now become a regular feature of Kathmandu Valley. Every time you are headed for office or for an appointment you wonder whether you will make it on time. On a bad day you can get stuck in traffic jams for hours. Things get worse and Kathmandu traffic becomes unmanageable in case there is an accident or a VIP motorcade is on the move. Even minor obstacles can create jams that last hours. The traffic chaos is a result of a combination of things. Growth in the number of vehicles in the Valley has far outpaced the expansion in road network. The number of vehicles registered in Bagmati Zone, about 98 percent of which ply in Kathmandu streets, doubled in the last five years, allowing little time for a commensurate expansion of the road network even if such was the intention. But the truth is, we also did not anticipate that things could get this bad so fast nor did we have adequate resources to actually do something about it. What has happened in the end is, the Valley road network hardly increased at all, creating huge traffic pressure on existing roads. Add to this the policy level mistakes. Some two decades ago when Kathmandu Valley hardly had any traffic pressure since road vehicles were so few and far between, we had big public transport buses (Sajha Yatayat then being omnipresent). But even as traffic pressure grew, Sajha Yatayat was allowed to die, its buses became extinct like the once mighty dinosaur, and we encouraged the import of taxis, three-wheelers and microbuses as our means of public transport. Small vehicles for public transport means big traffic problems anywhere in the world. Our traffic problems can no longer remain fixed, for that would mean waiting until a complete breakdown. The government should take immediate measures. The first measure could be to upgrade the under-staffed Traffic Police so that they will have more personnel on the ground to take on traffic rule violators and enforce lane discipline, which will significantly ease unnecessary traffic obstructions. Secondly, we should expedite road constructions along river banks in the Valley and develop alternative traffic routes. Third, big and reliable pubic transport vehicles should be promoted and route and time discipline enforced so that they will earn public trust and, over time, replace small vehicles. But it’s also time we began to think of a long-term solution. Without a flyover or subway transport system we cannot address Kathmandu’s traffic chaos on a permanent basis. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14724 Two-and-a-half decades have passed by and the state-owned Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) is still struggling big time to deliver to its full potential. This ‘wait-and-see’ approach in the power sector has accrued immense costs to the society and is regressive by all means. A pathetic image emerges when NEA’s current performance is compared on the basis of basic energy indicators such as supply security and tariff rates to what can be achieved. Huge and persistent system losses, overstaffing, over-the-roof generation costs and towering overheads are just some of the current problems faced by NEA. Undoubtedly, Nepal’s vertically-integrated power sector is a proven example of yet another failure story in the country. The ongoing planned power outages of 11 hours per day should be taken as a wake-up call to restructure and remodel the electricity sector. In any case, the current model is not conducive for a sustainable low-carbon economy, which every nation will have to eventually converge to in the future. At present, no real competition exists in the generation or supply of power in the Nepali power sector. For instance, there is no choice for end users to switch suppliers and hence are forced to pay the declared tariffs. The model as a whole provides no incentive to operate efficiently. The cost of inefficiency and mistakes are directly passed on to the public. By default, the sector suffers from frequent undesired government interventions with various stop-go policies. Although, market entry has lately eased with generation access granted to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs), their real impact and influence in creating a competitive market is marginal and questionable. The government always favors its own generation in granting transmission access to the grid. On the other hand, the time period involved in securing Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) is unnecessarily prolonged due to bureaucratic bottlenecks. Hence, under a business-as-usual scenario, the power sector cannot meet the soaring domestic and industrial demand for electricity at a socially-desirable price level. Investments in the power sector should have been high and steady overtime in state-owned monopolies but such has not been the case in reality. In a nutshell, the model is not suitable for the long run as it has failed to deliver. But the question remains: Do we have a choice? As long as we have options, choices always exist. In one of my articles published in Republica titled “Time to break free’’, I had discussed the issue of unraveling the Nepali power sector. The government seems reluctant to unravel its network segments for sheer political reasons. Some argue that unraveling is not desirable as it is akin to surrendering control of a key aspect of country’s infrastructure. But, I am of the opinion that the power sector should no longer be seen in that manner and aspect. If our domestic demand for energy is met from increasing power imports from India, any claims of having strategic control of the power sector is just spurious and ludicrous. So, what’s next? The answer in one word would be ‘competition’. Our primary focus should be to fuel competition in electricity generation and do away with state monopoly. This is one of the fundamental ways to scale down the costs of generation and lower the tariffs rates while meeting the energy demand. The provision of IPP involvement in electricity generation is plausible but the results have not been as plausible. Personally speaking, I am well aware of cases where ‘dirty politics’ led to delays in project start-up as the IPPs find it difficult to obtain the necessary planning permissions from the central authority. On one hand, the government as well as the private banks should provide the financial support (such as secured loans) to big entrepreneurs willing to invest in power projects. Eliminating the possible legal and financial barriers is the only way to encourage market entry in generation. On the other hand, the government could purchase the power from private entrepreneurs at a higher rate than what is currently being offered. This will create incentives for increased private sector participation in power generation. A possible way would be to provide renewable subsidies. Likewise, such practice will also induce an environment to increase renewable power generation in the country. However, increasing generation would be futile unless there is efficient transmission system in place. Most of the transmission grids in the country need maintenance and upgrading while new investments in transmissions are needed for grids expansion across the country. The inefficiency in the grids has resulted in about 25 percent power losses annually. This is a humongous wastage considering the dire need for more electricity. So, creating separate markets for transmission networks could attract more investments in this network segment. However, it cannot take place unless it is separated or weaned from the current regime. Also, this could prevent overstaffing in NEA, which is causing unwanted diminishing returns. The dark side is that the government has been turning a deaf ear to this issue for quite a while. Efficient, liquid and transparent power markets will have to be the future bases to stimulate our economy. But it requires actions from today itself. After all, we all want secure power supply at competitive prices, don’t we? http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14723 The current policies on expenditure assignment and revenue sharing between the center and local governments are dictated by unitary system of governance. The strength of the ongoing exercise on building a new constitution, therefore, depends on the interventions that are able to diffuse the shocks created by massive changes in the structure and functioning of federal states. This means the ‘heroes and builders’ of new Nepal must recognize the fact that state restructuring means both political and economic restructuring. Fiscal federalism can be defined as an efficient governmental location of taxation and expenditure decisions. Local governments can offer certain efficiencies in the provisions of goods and services and in tax collection. However, it is believed that there also exist offsetting equity considerations. The essence of fiscal federalism can be understood only when we differentiate between the functions and instruments under the centralized and the decentralized form of government. Alternatively, the widely-used meaning of fiscal federalism is designing expenditure and revenue allocation by assuring welfare gains at each level of governance. Challenges The challenges are to develop compatible fiscal policy with regards to the proposed federal structure and to reconcile between the existing policy, standard international practices and structure and modality proposed by the Committee on Restructuring of State and Devolution of State Powers. As fiscal policies are country-specific and Nepal’s constraints, priority, and opportunities are uniquely different, the replication of federalism adopted from other countries may not be the solution to address the question of welfare and inclusive growth. The diversity in the needs and policy execution is painfully different, therefore, devising diversified and balanced fiscal policy interventions within the given deadline is a challenge because not much public debate has been organized with regards to the understanding of how the present system is working and what the inherent problems in the present system are. Constraint to policy interventions Newly-emerged federal states have put much effort in enhancing skills among national, state and local governments on fundamental policy problems. Nepal’s need to design policies in creating gainful employment, health, education, social security and guaranteeing basic needs to the people through the reforms in public distribution system and revisiting the newly-proposed public-private participation modality by the private sector organizations is not very easy. The ultimate goal of the government should be to make economic growth compatible to workers’ advantages. In this regard, investment is the key element, which helps in increasing demand by creating jobs. This is what is not happening at all since no employment opportunities are being created. As stated above, given the failure in formulating policies for absorbing additional workforce, the problem of social inclusion will magnify. Expenditure assignment in Nepal A slow move of the process and rising demand for more participation in the governance led to promulgation of Local Self-Governance Act (LSGA) 1999 and Regulation 2000. The provision for the local bodies in the Act include, expenditure assignment, revenue assignment, revenue sharing and the authority of local-level borrowing, the four fundamental pillars of fiscal decentralization. Political party bases also expanded significantly during the 1990’s leading to a fast move towards political decentralization. LSGA and regulations also represented a move towards administrative decentralization as the local governments were provided more authorities on expenditure assignment, revenue assignment and the authority to borrow. Expenditure assignment to District Development Committees, Village Development Committees (VDCs) and Municipalities by LSGA has wide coverage, which include, agriculture, drinking water, sanitation habitat development, hydropower, work and transport, land reform and land management (except VDC), development of women and helpless people, forest and environment, education and sports, wages for labor (except municipality), irrigation and soil erosion and river control, information and communication, language and culture, cottage industry, health service, tourism, physical development (except districts), finance, legal and public safety. However, only a few get implemented either because of the lack of importance or because of the lack of resources. The Ministry of Finance (MoF) presents the summary of central and district-level allocation (revised and actual expenditure) annually in the Red Book. The following table presents the current scenario in this regard. In the current fiscal year (2009/10), the percentage of allocation for central level, according to table 1 above, is 75.52 of the total budget, which divides between recurrent (48.45 percent) and capital (27.07 percent). The allocation for district level, on the other hand, is only 17.83 percent and this is also divided into recurrent (7.73 percent) and capital (10.10 percent). One can observe almost the same pattern in the preceding years. The revised estimate of the total expenditure incurred in 2008/09 showed that the share of central-level expenditure was 75.57 percent of the total expenditure whereas the district-level expenditure was 15.91. This data indicates that central-level spending is around five times higher than district-level spending. From table 2 below, it is clear that 24 districts are able to generate revenue that is less than 5 percent of their total expenditure and all 75 districts generate revenue less than 10 percent of their total expenditure. This shows the highly-centralized financial system of Nepal. Centralized financial system has created increasing dependency of the local bodies to the central government. The success of the new constitution with regards to fiscal federalism rests on acknowledging the division of competence in decision-making about public expenditures and revenue between center and local governments. This should also include the degree of freedom of decision-making enjoyed by the center and local governments in assessing taxes and determining expenditures. The competency of different levels of government may be possible only when there is political as well as administrative decentralization. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14722 Conceptualizing a Nepali nation seems to be a difficult imagination. After all, nation is built out of imagination, or it is an “imagined community” Benedict Anderson discoursed somewhere brilliantly. One can even conceive that a nation is built on forgetfulness. If you dare to forget, and better yet force to forget, a nation is built. Is this a strange proposition to understand a nation? The contemporary case of Nepal may exemplify what I want to write. I do not know about the good and bad consequences of federalism. At times, the demands for federalism look valid when we experience the plights of marginal race and communities. And again, when we observe the abilities of political leadership, federalism connotes disintegration. Some say that the political center will not listen to us until we have federal states. The others say that a small nation like Nepal cannot afford to be stratified. I do not know and hence consider me out of place in regards to the debates of federalism. I love to interact with my students and those students who are intelligent enough to take matters seriously. I learn from them and they learn from me. There are very few such people nowadays. There are good readers too around us. The fact is if we read, by the token of reading, we are good readers. All readers are good people. Our politicians do not read. Let me return to the issue I proposed in the beginning. Forgetfulness! Amnesia! Ernest Renan, the French philosopher while lecturing on “What is a nation?” strongly proposed, “Forgetting, I would even go so far as historical error, is a crucial factor in the creation of a nation.” You have to forget many other things to construct and believe in a nation. Nation is a negotiated construct of commonalities. We have to imagine that there are common Nepali features and that is why Nepal is a nation. Out of multiplicities, we have to come to a common point of agreement that there are some features of this country which are the common ones. The other features have to be forgotten if not completely annihilated from memory. I think forgetfulness is not erasing the event or idea from our thoughts. Forgetfulness presupposes that the events and ideas are there in the very tiny corner of our memory. There always are traces of past even in forgetfulness. You have to consider this particular proposition to agree to me. It is difficult to form a commonality. We have to believe in ourselves that there are some features, characteristics in this country which we all share with greater acceptance, and these features are stronger than many other features to bond the space called Nepal. We have to negotiate that there is a common medium of communication to which we all agree, that we have common symbols: An animal, a flower, a flag. You have to forget all other flowers as the symbol of Nepaliness and come to one particular symbolism. Likewise, you have to forget other languages to construct a singular Nepali language as the most shared and representative national language. One must notice that forgetfulness is the base of believing in a nation. Forgetting does not mean that other languages or objects do not exist. But for Nepaliness other languages and objects are not common to all of us. You have to come to a point of forgetfulness in the domain of a nation and its definitions. Other things exist but not in the domain of a nation. Forgetfulness is not complete erasure of the others, so the other things exist but you have to indulge in amnesia. Renan calls this historical error and such errors are for good to form a nation. How do I conceive a nation if I do not forget that there are some commonalities in this country which represent the nation and others are not or the others are less strong commonalities? Nation is made when we dare to forget many other things. Outside the big political bowl called a nation, other things exist but in the bowl-nation, we have to forget that other materials, languages, symbols, foods, dresses, songs, et al do not appear. This is a strange kind of forgetfulness. Nation is built on such modes of amnesia. Let us take a particular instance. You have to be careful about my stance because I am nowhere making value judgment. I am propositional in mode. What is a common Nepali dress which symbolizes Nepali nation? We call it Daura Surwal. Does that mean other dresses are not representative of a nation called Nepal? It does not but my point is that to form a nation, you have to forget that other dresses are representative to symbolize a nation. Other dresses do not come to form a Nepali commonality. Others exist – they are respected, they are revered – but they have to be forgotten in the construction of a composite whole called Nepal as a nation. Forgetfulness is that fine line of keeping the rice, dal, vegetable in the bowl and forgetting others to fulfill your being. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14718 The High-Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) is yet to take a complete shape, though it has almost been a month since its formation. There is still a debate going on in the political circle regarding the relevance and effectiveness of the high-level body. Political parties are demanding that the body should be more inclusive. The HLPM was formed on Jan 8 following months of negotiations among the top three parties Unified CPN (Maoist), Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML. The HLPM formed under the chairmanship of former Prime Minister (PM) Girija Prasad Koirala has chairman of Unified CPN (Maoist) Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and UML chairman Jhala Nath Khanal as members. At the time of formation of HLPM, the members in the high-level body tried to win the confidence of the general public saying that it will take the peace process to a logical end and help in drafting the new constitution within the stipulated time. The primary task entrusted to HLPM was to forge a consensus among the top political parties that have sharp differences on key issues. The body has held its meeting a number of times but without much achievement. The only achievement made by the mechanism has been to convince the Maoists to withdraw their indefinite strike that was supposed to begin on Jan 24. The third meeting of HLPM endorsed its Terms of Reference (ToR) and working procedures. But the parties need to understand that passing the ToR just to include representatives from more political parties is not sufficient. They need to make the mechanism capable of resolving the current political stalemate. At this crucial time, all the parties need to rethink about the working area and mandate of the HLPM instead of pondering about providing membership to representatives from all the political parties. People are aware that political leaders keep on debating to secure their position in any committee or mechanism that is supposed to resolve the current deadlock. The interest shown by PM Madhav Kumar Nepal to remain as an invitee member in the mechanism and efforts made by Deputy Prime Minister (DPM) Sujata Koirala to include her in the body has once again exposed the intention of our political leaders. Another DPM Bijay Kumar Gachedhhar too has demanded that representatives from Madhesi parties be included in the mechanism, which only displays his lust for power and position. It is yet to be seen whether former PM Koirala will play an important role to resolve the current political deadlock or if he will only work to bring in his daughter and DPM Sujata Koirala as a member of HLPM. Some political leaders think that the mechanism will function as a parallel body to the government, which is undesirable. The Maoists, who are also a part of the mechanism, has recently announced their fifth phase of protests aiming to dislodge the government. The Maoists’ recent move has made the mechanism look meaningless as it shows that the high-level body has failed to convince them that their demands would be addressed. On the other hand, it is unethical on the part of the Maoists to launch fresh agitation while remaining a crucial component of the high-level body. Despite all these challenges and problems in HLPM, the general people are still hopeful that this important mechanism will forge a consensus among the political parties and pave the way for drafting a democratic constitution on time so as to institutionalize the achievements of the democratic movement of 2006. The general public is least concerned about whether the mechanism has three members or five, or representatives from all political parties or not. Their concern is whether the body would be able to resolve the current political deadlock and save the country from a possible catastrophe. The major responsibility of the mechanism is to steer the peace process towards the right direction and to accomplish the task of drafting the constitution within the stipulated timeframe of May 28, 2010. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14721 The authorities concerned must move swiftly to crack down on the illegal parahawking business being carried out by a British national in Pokhara, Kaski district. Reportedly, the falconer, Scott Mason, has for the last nine years been capturing and training endangered birds like Black Kites and Egyptian Vultures for the purpose of a full-time entertainment business. Parahawking involves combining paragliding with falconry, in which birds of prey are trained to fly with paragliders guiding them to thermals for in-flight rewards and performing aerobatic maneuvers. Worse still, Mason has been engaged in this trade in the name of rescue and rehabilitation. He has claimed that he has so far rehabilitated some 20 birds rescued from nearby jungles. It is said he charges 120 euros for half an hour of parahawking. This is animal abuse and is forbidden by the country’s law in every sense of the term. The National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act, 1973, forbids any private organization to hold animals or birds in such a manner. Even in case of a license holding company, the rescued animals need to be rehabilitated and freed in the wild within the time stipulated by the officials. But Mason is not only operating without any legal documents, there is no record with either the Department of National Park and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC), or the NGOs working in the field of bird conservation. Mason’s case has also exposed that all the three concerned offices – the District Forest Office, Annapurna Conservation Area Office and DNPWC – which are responsible for preservation and conservation of endangered species in the country, have turned a blind eye to such a blatant illegal practice flourishing for nearly a decade. It can then also be questioned whether Mason has been receiving blessings of top decision-makers who have let a foreigner engage in a prohibited activity. Nepal is a signatory of the International Union for Conservation of Nature, the world’s largest conservation network, and many other similar international bodies. The onus thus lies on the lawmakers and executers to translate the objective of the domestic laws and international treaties by resorting to timely intervention against all illegal activities in wildlife sector. This is one instance where the government, especially the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation, needs to act. The Ministry must stop Mason now. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14699 It is disheartening to note that barely a week after Nepal announced the elimination of leprosy, patients living with the disease in the country continue to be ostracized by the society. The notion that leprosy is a divine retribution striking sinners continues to prevail in the far-western districts. This not only deprives leprosy patients of the social support that they badly need for recovery, but also makes it difficult for those who recover from being accepted by the society. On Jan 20, the Health Ministry announced that Nepal had cut leprosy prevalence to less than one in 10,000, which is the World Health Organization’s standard for declaring that the disease has been eliminated. While making the announcement, the government said leprosy prevalence dropped to 0.89 per 10,000 in November last year and that the disease will no longer be categorized as a public health problem. While the government must be congratulated for this landmark achievement, it is unacceptable that the few who are living with bacillus Mycobacterium leprae are facing banishment from even their loved ones owing to prevailing superstitions. Prem Bahadur Rana of Dandagaun, Jajarkot, was banished to a cave where he lived for nearly a year after contracting the bacteria. Rana, who is now receiving treatment in Surkhet, had almost resigned to the fate of a caveman, ignorant that he was – like his family members – that he had only been infected by bacteria for which there is cure. Like Rana, there are over two dozen patients receiving treatment at International Nepal Fellowship in Surkhet, who have similar stories to share. It is therefore dangerous for the government’s leprosy eradication campaign to grow complacent, as there are still many Nepalis who need serious attention and social support. It is imperative that the government gives continuity to its awareness campaign to root out superstitions associated with leprosy. The superstitions are dangerous also because delay in treatment can cost the patients their limbs or other organs making it even more difficult for them to be rehabilitated back into society once they are free from the bacteria. A final push in the awareness campaign is warranted to make sure that those affected by the disease promptly seek medical help and do not suffer physical handicap from an easily curable illness. We hope that a sustained awareness campaign is undertaken and that the disease is completely eradicated. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14698 Recently, the Constituent Assembly (CA) Sub-Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Powers came up with the anxiously-awaited state restructuring plan. They proposed two alternative models to choose from. While the first model had 14 provinces [Khaptad, Karnali, Tharuhat, West Madhes, Magarat, Tamuwan, Tamsaling, Newa, Sunkoshi, Kirat, Limbuwan, Madhes and Birat], the second one had six provinces [Karnali, Gandaki, Sagarmatha, Srijanga, Lumbini (Bhawar) and Simraungadh (Janakpur)]. The full committee forwarded the 14-province model to the CA with a few amendments. Although there is little chance, given the pace at which political agreements on issues of national importance are reached, that any agreement will be reached by May 28, 2010, the CA now has something to show off, no matter how inferior the models might be. One may argue that having to choose from models that creates unsustainable federal system is worse than having none. The argument rings true, but the problem with that kind of reasoning is that it does not take into consideration the context that we are in. Let’s not forget that we live in an ultra-progressive nation, where populist beliefs guide political strategies and ends justify the means. So searching logic and economic reasoning behind the proposed federal models is like pondering over Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s sanity. And, voicing for referendum over the various federal models proposed from within and outside the CA is like proposing Osama Bin Laden be baptized so that islamofascism can come to an end. It is simply not going to happen. It is not going to happen for two simple reasons. First, it is not politically-profitable for the new entrants of Nepali politics. Second, in Nepal, issues of national importance have never been decided as per the wishes of people. They are decided based on whether or not the top echelons of the major political parties and the intelligentsia aligned with the political parties benefit from the major overhaul. Anxiety and pain of common men, which politicians claim to understand, is forgotten immediately after these little guys dip their finger in purple ink in voting booths. That is where their participation in democracy ends. What happens after that is ill-justification of political mandate and making that mandate profitable for the ruling elites and the so-called intellectuals that line up to justify the political crimes committed by their bosses. Remaining insincere towards people’s need and the nation’s progress while drawing a paycheck can be at best called a morally-repugnant act. CA members should either stop draining the state’s coffer or get back to business. Both politicians – most of whom are from the political parties of yesteryears – and intellectuals who claim to understand the negative repercussions of creating ethnic states have to understand that selective application of logic does not work. What is happening in Nepal defies all logic. While the real estate market has nosedived worldwide, there is a real estate boom in Nepal. In between the two fastest growing economies, economic indicators continue to worsen. I remember studying that if you keep an object in between two hot bodies, it also heats up but that logic, too, fails in the case of Nepal. Much-needed social reforms, devolution of power, and empowerment of ethnic minorities never got into political radar in the last two decades. An alarm did not go off even when the Maoists promised for an ethnic federation. Forget that, the makers of 1990 constitution, most of whom are still in circulation in politics, instead of proposing to make it more inclusive, which would have saved both time and money, ran away from it as fast as their legs could carry them. When you run away from the child that you father, the chances that your future relationships being seen as promiscuous are almost 100 percent. Plus, the political change that we are now witnessing now in Nepal is largely ethnic-based. All along the way, everyone, be it those arousing the ethnic masses that have been bypassed by the state or those that apply logic to negativities of ethnic federation, knew that social mobilization had outstripped the institutional capacity. But none confronted the truth. The former did not confront it because pushing social mobilization to a farthest possible point was politically expedient for them. In politics, it is political base that matters, not the truth. For the later, the truth did not matter as long as it did not shake up the political foundations of political parties, whose prominence determined the fulfillment of their personal ambitions. The debate over the viability of ethnic federalism is redundant at this point in time. The expectations of ethnic masses have been aroused beyond the state’s capacity to mange it within the existing set-up. And, the new federal structure that is other than ethnicity-based will not do any good to those pushing for ethnic federalism. Ethnic federalism may not be able to bring about the changes that ethnic minorities are clamoring for but remaining backward under the leadership of those that they see as their own will be more consoling. When someone our own lets us down, it hurts but also heals soon. The feeling is far better than betrayal at the hands of group that never realized the agony of how it feels to remain marginalized generation after generation. It makes perfect sense from ethnic minorities’ point of view to have faith on someone of their own no matter how chequered his or her past might have, because it provides a point to begin. The hope that someone capable from within their own ethnic group will takeover down the road is more reassuring than pinning the hope on elites from the other ethnic group, especially when the ethnic group in question is the one that never understood the pain before they were forced to. And now, when they appear to have understood, it is hard to believe whether their appreciation of pain is genuine or a ploy. Ethnic federalism might not work like most things in Nepal but will be a good learning experience. People may eventually realize that in a globalized world, sharing resources and knowledge is the only way to achieve collective prosperity. Hopefully, by then, our so-called intellectuals too will emerge out as more wise beings that understand the fact that for people to understand and have faith in your reasoning behind why things should be done in a certain way, you first have to have guts in pointing fingers at the politicians of your own ethnic group when they commit political crimes or fail to deliver. Until then, let’s experience the joy of living in a nation that defies all logic! hbdulal@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14697 The State Restructuring Committee recently submitted its concept paper to the CA chairman along with two Pharakmats (note of Dissent). It was largely due to the mounting realization that the concept papers of the constitutional contents are very superficial, ill-informed, lack clarity and at times even appear to be bereft of moral integrity. Similarly, less-read and poorly-informed “political entrepreneurs” contributed immensely to increase the ambiguity of the issues making the concepts of the constitutional matters ambivalent, megalomaniac, ambiguous and problematic. The primary purpose of federal restructuring is to address those issues of Nepali polity, economy and society that remained ignored since the inception of nationhood in the unitary and overly-centralized state mechanism. These issues can be summarized into three broad categories and they should be addressed simultaneously. The first crisis is an unequal representation. The various castes, ethnic/cultural groups, regions and gender of Nepal don’t feel equally represented in the politics and government. Some are over-represented and gender imbalance continues to remain a serious problem. The under representation of ethnic groups, Dalits, Madhesis and other backward communities in the politics and government form the very foundations of this crisis. This is the political angle of the national crisis. The second crisis is the lack of inclusion of many cultures that led to the creation of a skewed national identity. A single national identity which was developed by the hill-dominated culture was forced upon other national cultures. The ideas of dhaka-topi and daurasuruwal; one-language-one-dress, one-religion-one culture were brutally promoted at the cost of other existing cultures. There was no concept of nation-state and recognition of other identities. The inherent sanctities of many cultures, languages must be recognized. Previously, the state had enforced homogeneity of national identity but heterogeneity of cultures and social identities were not recognized. The national identity should evolve out of democratic partnership of all the identities. This issue forms the societal dimension. The third crisis concerns economic and spatial disparities. Some regions are affluent in resources, infrastructure and socio-economic development while others are deprived of it. The vertical and horizontal imbalances and spatial inequalities in development are basic characters within the Nepali economy. Fiscal and spatial equalizations are preconditions to a balanced and equitable development in all geographical regions. Ensuring equity and fairness in the assignment of public revenue, expenditure and intergovernmental transfer, minimizing fiscal disparities and acquiring greater degree of equalization at sub-national and local levels is another key challenge ahead. This outlines the economic dimension of the crisis. Addressing the crisis involves acutely understanding the fundamental fact that federalism is the vehicle for political transformation and socio-economic development to achieve sustainable, equitable and just development and ensure social justice and equity in polity, economy and society. However, in the concept papers and the Pharakmats on federal delineation do not address the aforementioned crises at all in many ways. First, the papers are incompatible with the aspirations of people and contradict federalism being demanded as a means to address developmental deficiencies due to overly- centralized state and non-addressed vertical and horizontal inequalities. Some of the proposed provinces will face further deprivations due to spatial inequalities. What will happen to provinces like Sherpa and Jadan considering their current development potentials, status of infrastructural development and feasibility of the fiscal federalism? The compatibility of population facts and figures too has been ignored. Not a single community has absolute majority in any delineated provinces. In all provinces, rule of minorities over the rest of majority has been projected. It is very obvious that delineation proposals were made haphazardly. Second, the declaration of state as a secular one is based on the notion that the state is a rational entity—it has no official religion. If the country itself cannot possess one sociological variable i.e. religion, then how can delineation of provinces be based on other sociological variables i.e. caste/ethnicity? This is a great paradox within concept papers and Pharakmats. The papers lack a proper understanding of the issues. Ironically, the proposals seem to push back the Nepali polity and society rather than taking it forward; degenerating Nepali state into tribalism; making it incompatible with the notion of modern democracy. Third, the concept papers are also not attuned with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international human rights instruments such as ICCPR and ICESCR and other human rights obligations that Nepal is a signatory of. The term Agradhikar (Premium rights) is very much misused in the proposals. Nobody can be excluded “to elect and to be elected” in a democracy. All citizens are equal before the constitution and law; however the concept papers challenge this idea. Fourth, the papers fail to realize that “to elect and to be elected” is always associated with taxation in a democracy. If some caste/ethnic groups have an exclusive Agradhikar “to elect and to be elected” then why should people from other caste/ethnicity pay tax for others’ identity and Agradhikar? If this happens, the vertical and horizontal block or special grants cannot be given. For example, why should the merchant class of Kathmandu pay tax for Sherpa or Jadan? A Newar or a Rai may ask “Why should I pay tax for Sherpa’s identity?” Fifth, solving one problem should not augment other problems. However, solving the problem of identity and giving Agradhikar may lead to sectarian conflicts in future. Sixth, the proposed model cannot solve the problem of Dalits’ representation who alone number more than 16 percent. Seventh, it has been stated that the Agradhikar on harnessing and utilization natural and local resources should be given to province and local governments and that must be addressed in the constitution. However, this is akin to granting monopoly to a particular caste/ethnic group which is not democratic. Affirmative action does not mean caste/ethnic-based control over state resources and power. Similarly, the Pharakmats of “One-Madhes-One-Pradesh” is also based on falsehood and is impractical and against the people’s mandate expressed by the CA election results. Madhesi parties obtained only 22.22 percent of vote in Tarai. In three districts such as Chitwan, Dang and Kanchanpur, they obtained less than one percent of total valid vote. In First-Past-the-Post System of the election, they obtained only 37 percent seats in the whole of Tarai. How can they claim “One-Madhes-One-Pradesh”? The table shows the facts and figures of the votes. Madhesi leaders who do want change and who are against the land reform in Tarai are the ones demanding “One-Madhes-One-Pradesh” to monopolize power. b.p.bhurtel@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14664 Microfinance—the availability of financial services for poor households—has the ability to strongly and positively impact the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Specifically, microfinance assesses impact in the areas of eradicating poverty, improving health outcomes, promoting children’s education and empowering women. Microfinance goes beyond just providing business loans. The underprivileged use financial services not only for business investment in their micro enterprises but also to invest in health and education, to manage household emergencies and to meet the wide variety of other cash needs that they often encounter. The enormous success of a few microfinance institutions (MFIs) speaks volumes about the difference that MFIs can bring about in the lives of the poor mass. Perhaps, the most well-known and studied MFI is the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh. Founded in 1976 by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, it has been modeled by other MFIs around the world. As of December 2009, Grameen Bank reported 7.97 million borrowers, 97 percent of whom were women. The total funds dispersed by the bank since its inception is US$ 8.74 billion and it reports a loan recovery rate of 97 percent. To ensure repayment, the bank uses a system of “solidarity groups”. These small informal groups apply together for loans and its members act as co-guarantors of repayment and support one another’s efforts at economic self-advancement. Evidence from the millions of microfinance clients around the world demonstrates that access to financial services enables poor people to increase their household incomes, build assets, and reduce their vulnerability to the crises that are so much a part of their daily lives. It is a widely-accepted that microfinance in a poor country like Nepal is probably the best solution for poverty alleviation and inclusive growth. Reportedly, 31 percent of Nepal’s population lives below the poverty line and microfinance can play a vital role to raise the living standard of people at a faster rate. As per an informal source, among the total household of the country forming around 6 million, 1.9 million households live below the poverty line. Assuming average household microfinance requirement stands at Nepali rupees 25,000, the total microfinance requirement of the country is approximately 48 billion rupees. However, it is believed that the funding of these requirements from the various sources in the market maybe just about 10 billion. In most cases, microfinance and MFIs are supported by grant funding. In order to achieve scale and viable business operations, we need capital infusion and funds/loans available in a larger and more organized manner. Access to flexible, convenient, and affordable financial services empowers and equips the poor to make their own choices and build their way out of poverty in a sustained and self-determined way. At present, commercial banks have been channelizing funds into microfinance to fulfill the mandatory requirement only. On the regulatory front, there is a requirement under “Deprived Sector Loan” (DSL), which states that 3 percent of net bank credit would have to be directed towards deprived sectors. Keeping in view the role played by MFIs in reaching the rural masses, NRB (Central Bank) has allowed bank lending to MFIs to be clubbed under DSL. Since the penalty for not reaching the DSL target by banks is stringent, banks offer debt funds at minimal and very competitive rates to MFIs. At present, the funding available through commercial banks from DSL source is approximately 7.5 billion rupees. However, a huge gap still exists between the required and available fund that could, to a great extent, be filled by a more proactive and sustained participation by commercial banks. Nevertheless, it needs to be kept in the back of our minds that commercial banks operate in a completely different environment from what one would witness in the case of microfinance sector where the needs, policies, capabilities, reach etc are very different. The products and facilities offered by commercial banks are significantly large and primarily targeted at commercial businesses and individuals allowing the former to yield relatively higher returns on the capital employed. The smaller clients and those belonging to the poor rural mass are not entertained as the general perception exists that they do not have stable and viable source of income so as to substantiate cash flow for servicing their loans. Similarly, subsistence farmers also do not form the target market of commercial banks as they lack adequate collateral to guarantee their loans. In addition, the commercial banks do not have the reach and infrastructure for managing the marginal borrowers located at the remote places in the country. On the other hand, MFIs capitalize on their local branch network and close proximity with their clients. The range of services offered by them includes loans, savings facilities, insurance, transfer payments, and even micro-pensions to the poor masses who cannot afford to enter the formal system of commercial banking. MFIs employ staff from local population, possess extensive data about the clientele, have deeper relationship with the clients and can operate more efficiently than a commercial bank in that area. Time is important for a rural, poor client as most of them depend on small businesses or daily wages and thus have a “hand-to-mouth existence”. To value this aspect on the client’s front, MFIs provide door step service. Such would not be a commercially-viable approach for commercial banks. Financial Inclusion is a larger concept than microfinance business. MFIs with their network and contacts can play a very proactive role in furthering the Financial Inclusion agenda. Essentially, therefore, in the ecosystem of financial inclusion, both commercial banks and microfinance institutions must co-exist cohesively if one would like to achieve the goals set for financial inclusion. In Nepal, microfinance is distributed primarily through MFIs (including micro credit banks, NGOs, cooperatives, etc), to help rural groups directly. The participation of commercial banks is limited to the role of a wholesale lender to the MFIs. MFIs also have access to the funding from donor agencies and government as well. In such a situation, it is imperative that MFIs and commercial banks work in tandem, complementing each other rather than competing with each other, and capitalize on each others position in the market. It would be more practical, efficient and effective to lend to the intermediaries (MFIs) who, in turn, would lend to the ultimate beneficiaries. MFIs thus can become extended arms of the banks to achieve the larger objective of financial inclusion, which banks find difficult to achieve solely. Rural clients would like to have micro savings, micro credit, insurance and pension products from one source. So MFI can play a fiduciary role or a point of contact for a commercial bank with the rural masses. It would be a more commercially-viable proposition for commercial banks to approach the rural mass through MFIs rather than opening their own branches. Other measures could include providing “Business Correspondent” status to MFIs. This would help banks distribute their products and services to the masses through these MFIs who have a large advantage in terms of their network outreach. In view of the above, it is strongly felt that rather than competing with each other, a collaborative approach would be a win-win situation for both commercial banks and MFI’s as commercial banks are looking for a footprint while MFI’s for source of funding. Microfinance can contribute significantly to enhancing the overall economic development of a country. At the same time, reaching out to the rural masses provides great business opportunities. Banks and MFIs can have a complimentary role in harnessing this opportunity and at the same time help accelerate an inclusive economic growth for the country. (Writer is CEO, Standard Chartered Bank Nepal Ltd.) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14665 The government decision to install Close Circuit Television (CCTV) in public offices such as District Administration, Land Revenue, Survey, et al is laudable and will, hopefully, go some way in abating corruption and expediting the pace of service-delivery. The plan is to set up five devices in various vantage positions inside these offices. According to the government officials, the CCTVs will be installed primarily to control corruption rather than to provide security. And rightly so! As things stand now, Nepal’s public offices are notorious for non-performance, pathetic service-delivery, and institutionalized corruption, among others. Unless you are ‘well-connected’ or know ‘someone’ in these offices – the afno manchhe (nepotism/favoritism) phenomenon as Dor Bahadur Bista so correctly pointed out in his magnum opus Fatalism and Development – getting your work done without doling out bribes is almost next to impossible. It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to state that most Nepali public offices are antonyms of efficiency. For a quick reality check, just visit any government office in the country at this time of the year and you will in all likelihood find the staff there whiling away their time basking in the sun rather than working on their assigned tasks. While the move to install CCTVs might curb some of these unhealthy practices and tendencies, it is a foregone conclusion that it is not a foolproof solution. Employees will eventually find out ways to beat the system. The solution, therefore, is to change the mindset of government staff through proper orientation, apt incentives – monetary or otherwise – appropriate training as well as by instiling fear of prompt punishment. The problem, at present, is that too few competent Nepalis opt to be on the payrolls of the government. Hence, the foremost drive should be on making government jobs attractive so that able and skillful manpower with the right attitude are drawn to it. Last but not the least, now that the government has decided to set up CCTVs, it must ensure that it is making optimum use of it. In Nepal, more often than not, we come up with brilliant plans and rules but flounder because we seldom keep tab of the progress or lack of it thereof. This time around, let’s do things differently. Let’s ensure that the CCTVs are kept in top condition and that the videos are used as proof to take action against defaulters if and when that happens. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14663 The print media has been recently abuzz with the news of heightened security at the Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) citing security threats to Indian air-carriers. The officials from both the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), the custodian of physical infrastructure of the TIA, and the police department are amusingly going overboard in trying to project a safe image of TIA. However, keen observers of the state-of-affairs at TIA are reluctant to accept the claims of a safe TIA citing fundamental problems within the elements involved in the operations of TIA. First, despite being a commercial entity and involving a certain degree of hospitality or facilitation, TIA is being run by people bereft of any decent formal qualification in business management or branch thereof. The only necessary qualification required to run the show is some seniority within CAAN and the rest is clear proximity to the party in power. And the results are there for all to savor, stretching all the way from passenger queues to mess at taxi rentals. The million-dollar question is: Why is this farce going on for so long? Well, the primary cause for this continued deterioration has a historic precedence in that the airport managers have been posted for their capabilities to “contribute” to the political party and godfathers rather than for their capabilities to contribute to the airport and civil aviation. The reason is not difficult to fathom as two-thirds of the annual budget of TIA (to the tune of about 400 million rupees) fetches an attractive commission of up to 40 percent on the purchase of goods and services. When such an amount is involved, it is certain that an elite clique with direct political patronage will control the key functioning of the relevant matters and other voices of reason are summarily dismissed as dissent and the individuals suitably punished. The second cause of the mess is the lack of an alternative airport and this lack of competition makes the sole player complacent or, worse still, irresponsible. Yet another aspect of misplaced priorities adding to the woes at TIA is that of aviation security, where personnel from CAAN as well as the Ministry of Home are involved simultaneously. Security at any airport is primarily meant to ensure secure (and therefore safe) flights without unlawful interference. This function is also accompanied by a supplemental task of maintaining law and order at the premises. The reason for this avoidable duplication of job also has a historic precedent where both parties vie for their share of the pie. However, the police department has consistently remained the top dog, as the home minister enjoys more clout than the minister for civil aviation. In fact, not very long ago, police personnel themselves were seen ferrying duty-free liquor and cigarettes to open market, clearly under directions from above and in violation of prevailing laws. It is only a matter of time before some untoward incident at TIA will again earn negative publicity for the country. The police department must be at least possessing university graduates and, therefore, must be technically capable of performing the primary task of aviation security alone, even if it means raising a special airport security division, equipped and trained suitably as per existing international norms. However, CAAN personnel will be averse to it, as this will erode away a significant base of their regular additional incomes arising out of incessant procurement and maintenance of X-ray baggage inspection systems, CCTVs etc, apart from the regular security trainings abroad. In this overlapping area of security, no wonder, in the aftermath of the infamous IC-814 hijack of 1999, no agency could singly be held accountable! The proclaimed policy of issuing restricted area passes on a need-to-go-basis continues to be funnily distorted for issuing passes to ex-executives of CAAN and its board members out of sheer sycophancy. The issuance of passes to restricted areas has also been a racket where greasing proper palms have yielded passes to any area, otherwise how do a plethora of persons without passes get through the now mutilated golden gate? Strangely, in this era of technology, where, at most international airports, the areas accessed by each pass holder are automatically logged in computers; it is not the case at TIA. Perhaps, the personnel in charge of this key section at TIA are on the payrolls of the racketeers and wish to maintain a steady stream of neat income. Certainly, this is what both parties – CAAN and the police department – want: Bounce the ball at the other in times of crises and escape total blame! The problems on the police side, too, deserve special mention here. Since time immemorial, TIA postings have been coveted and there is an endless file of eager officers awaiting transfers to TIA to partake in the income-arising routine smuggling of contraband ranging from drugs to foreign currency. Connections up to the very top, including that of Prime Minister’s Office, let alone the home minister, are frequently invoked to get the much sought after postings that last no more than a year or two. Of course, in this period enough would be earned to last for more than a lifetime and send kids to the US for settlement. Here again, the “primary” duty of the police at TIA remains unclear. In the past, queries with low-ranked police personnel deployed at TIA elicited a frank response that they had to buy their postings. Why would someone buy a posting of a limited tenure, if ways to recoup his investment do not exist? In this era of protracted political instability, there is little reason to believe that the rules of the game have changed. The International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), an umbrella organization under the UN that oversees matters pertaining to international civil aviation, under its routine audit schedule had recently audited Nepal’s aviation security. Its report has rated the standards at TIA as being satisfactory but a subtle disclaimer in the report also clearly states the limitations of the audit report owing to inherent limitations of the methods involved and personnel employed. Surely, the ICAO auditors must have never gotten a glimpse of the dirty underbelly of the security apparatus in Nepal, especially the pervasive corruption as well as nepotism and the prevailing air of irresponsibility. Thus, the ICAO report cannot be an objective parameter of the actual security in existence. Realizing this, perhaps, the Indian government has therefore chosen to coerce its Nepali counterpart to go an extra mile to ensure security of its air-carriers. It is only a matter of time before some untoward incident at TIA will again earn negative publicity for the country. pilots_nepal@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14630 Organizing strikes (popularly known as bandas) have been the easiest way to either show discontent over government policies or to press for one that serves the interest of a certain group. The people dislike bandas because it never serves their interest. It costs them their freedom, vocation and income. Frustrated by the disruption of normal life, youths have initiated a campaign DIE Nepal Bandh DIE. Even Mother’s Groups in various cities have protested against bandas. It has been a cancer to the industrial sector, whose contribution to the GDP has nosedived in recent years. A World Food Programme survey conducted last year in Tarai showed that 93 percent of food traders identified bandas as a major constraint to do business. Almost 14 percent of traders were forced to close down their businesses. According to Enterprise Survey 2009, 62 percent of enterprises think instability is the biggest constraint. What are the costs of bandas to the country and importantly to the public? By looking at the cost incurred by each sector if it is shut down for a day, I did a quick back-of-the-envelope calculation. The numbers are startling: On an average, one day banda would cost Rs 1.96 billion, which is around 88 percent of the total value of goods and services produced in the country in a day. The industrial sector alone would suffer over Rs 346 million per banda day. Yes, you read it right. The country bleeds enormous amount in lost production and revenue. The economy is divided into three major sectors: Agriculture, industry and service. The agriculture sector consists of two sub-sectors: Agriculture and forestry, and fishery. The industrial sector consists of mining and quarrying; manufacturing; electricity, gas and water; and construction sub-sectors. The service sector is composed of nine sub-sectors: Wholesale and retail trade; hotels and restaurants; transport, storage and communications; financial intermediation; real estate, renting and business; public administration and defense; education; health and social work; and other community, social and personal services. Each sub-sector’s contribution to GDP is different. Depending on the level of market integration, bandas impact these sub-sectors either fully or partially. On an average, one day banda would cost Rs 1.96 billion, which is around 88 percent of the total value of goods and services produced in the country in a day. The industrial sector alone would suffer over Rs 346 million per banda day. Costs of banda (Rs) Per day (in billions) 1.96 Per hour (in millions) 82 Per day (% of GDP per day) 88 Per capita per day 69 Per capita per day (working population) 117 I look at two scenarios to estimate the cost of bandas. In the first scenario, agriculture and forestry; public administration and defense; education; and health and social work sub-sectors are not affected by bandas. In the second scenario, all sectors except 40 percent of agriculture and forestry sub-sector are affected by bandas. This is a reasonable assumption because bandas do not affect market transactions of all agricultural goods. No matter what, people do trade and consume bare minimum goods for survival. The rigidity value, which I define as the responsiveness of agricultural sector to bandas and assume it to be 40 percent, varies depending on the intensity and breadth of bandas. The less responsive the agricultural sector (i.e. the more rigid), the less it is affected. Under the first and second scenarios, the cost would be at least Rs 1.23 billion and Rs 1.96 billion per banda day respectively. The second scenario is most likely when there is a nationwide strike. The first scenario is likely when there is a strike in certain parts of the country. Though these numbers might differ from other estimates with different assumptions, they nevertheless give a fairly good picture of the costs associated with bandas. Based on the second scenario, let me put the costs in perspective. On average, one hour of banda would cost at least Rs 82 million to the economy. In other words, each person in the country would lose Rs 69 per banda day. If we consider the working population only, i.e. 15-64 years, then the cost would be Rs 117 per banda day. Furthermore, if there were a rural employment program that provides jobs and pays Rs 100 per day to people below the poverty line during the lean agriculture season, then one day of banda would have cost over 218,190 rural jobs. The total cost would be even higher if we add indirect costs. For instance, bandas are complemented with destruction of public and private infrastructures, which costs millions to rebuild. Also, a few hours of economic activity are lost before the sub-sectors bounce back to full gear after bandas. Besides affecting the existing as well as future potential of tourism industry, one of the major sources of foreign exchange for the country, it also causes external migration and decline in exports. Rapid decline in exports is one of the reasons for Rs 20 billion balance of payments deficit in the first quarter of this fiscal year. Frequent bandas trigger capital flight, which is detrimental to long-run economic growth. Partly due to bandas, multinational companies like Colgate Palmolive ceased production last year. The garment industry is near extinction. It is also putting upward pressure on general prices of goods and services, thus contributing to a double-digit inflation rate. It is frustrating to see political leaders, who promised to develop Nepal like Switzerland, encouraging and initiating bandas. They are depriving citizens of the potential for an increase in per capita income, freedom to pursue one’s dream and vocation, and to live a peaceful life with a hope for a bright future. Bandas have ripped people off the very things that the organizers promised to bring them. Enough is enough. Say NO to bandas! (Writer is Junior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.) schandan@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14631 Steve Jobs, Apple Computers Chief Executive, has done it once again by launching the iPad, a touch-screen tablet computer. The iPad is a magical device with features that allow users to browse the web, check email, work with spreadsheets and charts, play videogames, read books, listen to music or simply watch videos. It remains to be seen how well the iPad will do in the market-- whether it will receive the same level of response from consumers as the iPhone did. Some reviewers have given the iPad just the kind of rave reviews that Jobs could have asked for, but others have been less enthusiastic. Some argue that e-readers will find Amazon´s Kindle more handy compared to the iPad, and there are better and better notebooks for those who are looking for smart laptops. But one thing is true: There is no other product in the market that has packaged so many things in a less than 10-inch device. Jobs has strategically carved out a place between the laptop computer and smart phones. And therein lies the trick. There are also divergent views as to what impact the iPad will have on the reading culture, on the future of books, and on overall journalism. When the iPad was launched on Thursday, The New York Times, Time magazine and National Geographic were among partners whose contents were displayed on the new device. What does this mean? Time’s Digital Operations Vice President Martin Nisenholtz put it succinctly: We are incredibly psyched to pioneer the next stage in digital journalism. The iPad will expedite the readership shift from paper books and newspapers towards the digital format. It may, over a period of time, bring an existential threat to books and the print media; however, it doesn´t mean the end of reading culture itself. Ironically, it may in fact spur the habit of reading, which is on the wane due to the increasing dominance of electronic media, especially television. When Apple launched the iPhone in 2007 some skeptics doubted its performance and market success. But iPhone hit the market with a bang, gave Apple a much needed turnaround and redefined the mobile phone industry. It actually marked the onset of touch-screen mobile phones, with almost every mobile company scurrying to go touch-screen. Only a genius like Jobs’ can turn around an otherwise sinking company and redefine an entire industry. But with the iPad something even more far-reaching is likely to happen -- it´s likely to become a culture-changing device, significantly altering how people read and how journalism is done. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14629 I was busy at work. It was about 7:30 in the evening and it was Jan 26. The ring tone of my mobile phone rang. However, no sooner had I taken out my Chinese cell phone from my pocket, it stopped ringing. I looked at the number. It was new. Soon, my cell phone rang again and I received it hastily. The caller’s loud ‘hello’ alarmed me. The reason behind my annoyance was that I hardly ever have to endure callers who are so loud. Furthermore, I have only a limited number of callers and they are mostly either my students or my family and relatives. How about this call? The way the caller pronounced the word ‘hello’ with a strong stress and pitched intonation, it was definitely from someone that I was not familiar with. After exchanging a few hellos, the caller was compelled to confirm my name just to ensure that he was talking to the right person. “Are you not Rishi Ram, Sir?” a voice queried. “Yes, speaking,” I said in a low and humble voice. This time, he raised his voice further as he said, “You know me?” expecting me to say “Oh, yes, yes.” I am not so quick at identifying voices and tones and have to admit I was not sure who the caller was. So, I politely tried to let the caller know saying, “Well, you see, it’s sometimes difficult to know the caller just by hearing their voice. May I know who is calling?” “It’s me, your student. Remember you beat us?” a voice threateningly bolted through my ear. “Now I need to meet you. Where is it possible?” the voice sounded even more threatening. As he said this, I could hear rude laughter of other people in the background. Unpleasantly surprised, I wanted to get more information about the caller but his cell phone was already disconnected before I could ask a few questions such as “Dear brother, what are you doing these days? What made you call me after such a long time? How did you get my number? What exactly do you want from me?” I have taught a great number of students and I have always wanted to see them doing well. Some of my students have become doctors, some engineers, some teachers, some business people and the like, and others have gone abroad and settled there. I have no idea what this student has been doing. Has he failed in life? Is he frustrated and now wants to vent his anger at his childhood teacher? Well, if I have ever spanked or scolded, it was only with a good intention. There is an old English saying, ‘Spare the rod and spoil the child’. I still believe it holds some truth. Although the form of capital punishment is forbidden in many countries in the world today, teachers have to use and have been using it directly or indirectly to bring children on the right track, to teach them that discipline is part of their learning. In my case, if there are other students who have felt bad because I have punished them in one form or the other, I earnestly ask for a sincere apology! Don’t ever take it personally. Whatever I did, I did it with a good intention to help you, to teach you. And if you haven’t learned anything yet, this teacher has failed. Don’t call me a teacher anymore! I don’t deserve such a title. ezrawfw@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14628 Nepalis shouldn’t be afraid of being seen as friends of India On a recent holiday to Jaipur, staying at a heritage property in the city, I was surprised to see its entire housekeeping staff was Nepalis. I would have expected to see them in Patna or Dehradun or Gangktok and in Indian metropolises but in a Jaipur haveli? They were 11 in all – with Mongoloid features – looking not a little incongruous in traditional blue kurta, white churidar, red waistcoat and colorful orange turban. The boys were scurrying around with linen, cups of tea, the guests’ luggage. Some were shy, solemn-faced but others flashed easy smiles when I chatted them up. The youngest among them was Chakra, just 18 (a couple looked far younger). The eldest, 55. Most were in their 20s. Raj Gurung spoke fluent Marwari but he was the exception. The rest managed with Hindi and hardly knew a word of English. But I didn’t care – Diet Coke is universally understood, I suppose. They didn’t care either. They were just glad to be earning 3,000 Indian rupees a month (approximately 5,000 Nepali rupees) – even though it is about 1,000 rupees less than what a local would earn in a similar job. Isn’t that exploitation, I ask them. Raj considers the question and responds, “It may well be”. Is it because you’re Nepali, I ask him. He shakes his head and then says “Other migrants – from Bihar and UP, for example – are in the same boat”. He goes on to say some things had in fact improved over the years. They now even had a direct bus link to Jaipur from Gorakhpur in UP! The management of the Mandawa property cared even less. The Nepalis were hard workers, I was told. Stayed out of trouble. Lived on the property so were available night or day, unlike locals. And unlike locals – who aspired to life beyond ferrying tea or sweeping rooms – the migrants were more flexible in trying out different jobs. Jaipur, for me, was a refreshing eye-opener. The national capital (my city) and India’s commercial capital are bursting at the seams. Migrants in these cities, whether from other parts of India or from neighboring countries, are generating a backlash – public and political. But thankfully, there isn’t yet a Raj or Uddhav in Rajasthan. Instead, the state – traditionally conservative and famously wedded to local tradition, customs and culture – appears to be welcoming migrants from Nepal. Just like Jaipur is going beyond seeing all Nepalis as “chowkidar Thapas”, the political elite in Nepal needs to go beyond painting India as the hateful big brother. A scholar at Jaipur’s Rajasthan University tells me the city is home to 15,000 to 20,000 of them and there’s actually a mini-Nepal in Jaipur. It’s called Pashupatinagar – complete with its version of the iconic temple. Annual festivals are organized, local Hindus take part in them enthusiastically. The migrants have access to Nepali film and music CDs. Some turn tourist guides for visiting country cousins. And they’re not just in Jaipur. You’ll find them scattered in Jodhpur and Udaipur, employed in the hospitality, construction and mining sectors. According to Dr BC Upreti, religion (Hindu) and language (Hindi) are a major reason why Nepalis are welcome in Jaipur, in sharp contrast to the Bangladeshis, who are generally regarded as outsiders and with suspicion. The Nepalis’ own “behavior” – they’re law-abiding and work hard – earns them acceptance, even respect of the people. And so the politicians see no gain in rhetorical tirades. Delhi and Mumbai can certainly learn from Jaipur – but so can Kathmandu. Just like Jaipur is going beyond seeing all Nepalis as “chowkidar Thapas with a proclivity to use the khukuri”, the political elite in Nepal needs to go beyond painting India as the hateful big brother always out to exploit their country men and women. The 1950 Friendship Treaty is a lifeline for thousands of Nepalis, from the Tarai and hills alike, who crisscross the 1,800 km-long open border to study, live, work and play here. Playing politics over the use of Hindi by Nepal’s vice president, whipping up imaginary fears about two Indian sky marshals who can “impinge Nepal’s sovereignty”, or allowing thugs to bash up Indian priests is almost like cutting your nose to spite your face. Just ask the boys in Jaipur. (Paarull Malhotra is the chief diplomatic correspondent and an anchor with CNN-IBN.) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14562 It is nothing short of baffling that the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which was in parliament when the bidding for the Upper Karnali Hydropower Project was on and a part of the government when the project was awarded to Indian company GMR Energy Limited, is threatening the firm to pack up their bags and leave the country. In addition, when the Maoists led the government for nine months until May last year, they completely forgot about the company but now that they are in the opposition, it has suddenly dawned on them that there is an Indian company operating in our backyard. How hypocritical can the party get? According to the Maoists, the threat against GMR is part of their ‘national independence campaign’ (read ‘national independence campaign against India’). Why India? Because, in the eyes of the party, they are responsible for keeping them out of the current power equation for so long! It’s unfortunate that out of desperation, the Maoists are speaking and doing things, which in the long run will be detrimental not only to them but to the country as a whole. GMR was awarded the contract to build, own, operate and transfer the 300 MW Upper Karnali Hydropower Project through Open Competitive Bidding in January 2008. If a company that has secured a project through a fair and a transparent process is threatened and intimidated, will it not discourage international companies from entering the Nepali market in the future? Isn’t this a big blow on a country that is incapable of financing mega projects on its own? Take for example Nepal’s failure so far to develop the highly-attractive and low-cost Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project. A party that calls itself the ‘true’ representative of the people should listen to the call of the locals – who have benefited tremendously from health, education and infrastructure development activities initiated by GMR – and not only withdraw their threats but apologize to the company. Nepalis have been bearing the brunt of treacherous power cuts for some years and it is only projects such as these that can provide relief to them a few years down the line. The Maoists have no right to deny the people the future benefits that such projects will bring to them. It’s time UCPN (Maoist) rose over dirty politicking and gave development a ‘real’ chance. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14561 Search and rescue operations for the victims of Haiti’s devastating earthquake that hit the country on Jan 12 was called-off after rescue teams from Haiti and dozens of countries around the world battled impossible odds in terms of mountains of rubbles, impassable roads, lack of electricity, water, and non-existing government infrastructure to pull bodies out of ruined homes, churches, schools, shops and restaurants, including many who managed to stay alive in the ruins for more than 10 days. Death toll after nearly two weeks of the occurrence of earthquake—measured 7.0 on the Richter Scale, decidedly a major one—is still climbing but, as of Jan 24, some 200,000 bodies have been counted and many buried in mass graves. No one knows how high the death toll will rise over the coming weeks and months when debris are removed and rebuilding efforts get fully underway but rescue officials maintain that 200,000-300,000 people may have been buried alive, of which full accounting will take time because many feared dead may have fled to the countryside to escape devastation of the capital city, Port-du-Prince, which, before the earthquake struck, housed some 2 million people. If, indeed, the death toll goes up as high as half a million, that would be 5 percent of the total population, probably the largest loss of lives in any country that earlier had faced such a calamity. In terms of damage to the country’s physical infrastructure, the earthquake leveled or made inhabitable as much as 90 percent of the buildings in the capital city and adjoining areas, where about one third of the country’s 10 million people once lived. The catastrophe also ravaged the country’s social fabric—ruined churches, schools, and hospitals—where people took shelter and got critical assistance during times of emergencies. Similarities Situated on two ends of the world, Haiti and Nepal are quite dissimilar in many respects but there are also surprising similarities. First, both are distinguished by their extreme poverty, characterized by the lowest per capita incomes in their respective regions—Haiti in Western Hemisphere and Nepal in Asia-Pacific. Second, both have been victims of dictatorships. Duvalier dynasty had run Haiti as a fiefdom since 1957 and Nepal’s monarchy assumed absolute power in 1960. Both countries suffered from dynastic regimes in predictable ways—countries run by cronies and courtiers with absolute disregard for the interests of the people they governed. Third, the end of dictatorships in both countries was followed by the emergence of chaotic politics—democratic or otherwise—which made no difference for most people in terms of living standards and civil liberties, and the quality of life actually diminished with the increase of violence and the worsening of law and order. And last but not the least, both countries share similar bleak future, which has meant a mass exodus of their people in search of better opportunities outside of the country. The much more frightening prospect, compared to Haiti’s situation, is that of the level and quality of support Nepal could receive if it faces a calamity comparable to Haiti’s. Economic mismanagement and political disarray has also meant a severely weakened governance system that, among other things, was incapable of or, more likely, disinterested in the setting of standards and enforcement of building codes which, along with the overall poverty of the population, led to the construction of buildings in a most haphazard manner, with least amount of attention paid to the stability of structures in the event of cyclones and floods, much less to withstand the calamities of major earthquakes of the type that just happened in Haiti. Haiti may rebuild Over the last week in the aftermath of devastation suffered from the earthquake, international aid has poured for providing immediate relief to the population—to help dig out those trapped under the debris and those rendered homeless, who needed immediate airdrop of medical supplies, food packets, and water. The country’s damaged airports and seaports could not accommodate all the help coming in from overseas and, reportedly, more than half of the shipments had to be delayed because of port congestion. Still, significant amount of relief supplies had come in to avoid starvation and spread of disease and most of 2 million people in the capital city made homeless by earthquake are being moved to safer camps with facilities. Living conditions in camps would continue to improve with the receipt of more targeted and plentiful aid supplies. Attention will soon be focused on long-term recovery and reconstruction, which means that most major roads, bridges, buildings, seaports and airports would need to be completely rebuilt or, at least, rehabilitated. No firm estimate of the cost can be made at this time but many of the experts familiar with the Haiti situation put the cost at more than a billion dollar per year over the next several years. Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs estimates Haiti’s funding needs at $5 to $10 billion over the next several years, adding: “One can imagine (the need for) annual disbursements of $2 billion to $3 billion over the next five years.” Haiti has received much less than these amounts in recent years and only $300 million in core development funding most recently. Sachs warns that “Haiti will suffer quick death of hunger and disease…unless we respond to extreme distress of our neighbors.” Other calls for providing relief to Haiti population has come in from humanitarian agencies and think-tanks who would back up the aid package with a substantial relaxation of entry visas for Haiti citizens wanting to migrate. Currently, Haiti receives $1.5 billion annually in workers’ remittances, which is about a quarter of its GDP and a much larger amount than foreign aid funding. Some scholars writing in influencing US dailies have advocated offering Haitians “golden door visas” to migrate to the Unites States, whether temporary or permanent, arguing that this would have a larger and more lasting impact on the lives of the poor from the remittance Haiti would receive. Nepal’s continuing vulnerability There is no intention here to imply that Haiti-like calamity is just about to happen in Nepal but this cannot be more improbable than the recent predictions of the melting of Himalayan glaciers by the year 2035, despite the revelation last week that prediction was based on faulty research. But assuming Nepal being hit by a Haiti-type earthquake, what kind of damage do we envisage, and the strength of subsequent relief and reconstruction efforts? Per capita damage to building and infrastructure would certainly exceed that of Haiti in view of the more congested city centers, old-age structures, and, just like Haiti, nonexistence or non-enforcement of building codes. Add to these weaknesses the mud- and wood-structures that predominate the countryside, unstable terrains of many of hill-towns, and fragility of the country’s hydro facilities located in deep mountain valleys, and you can see virtually a leveled country in the aftermath of a major earthquake. All told, it looks that the country would face a total collapse of human-built facilities and disappearance of a way of life built over hundreds of years. However, the much more frightening prospect, compared to Haiti’s situation, is that of the level and quality of support Nepal could receive if it faces a calamity comparable to Haiti’s. As it looks, in view of the international attention and sizeable amount of material and cash aid Haiti has received and been promised, Nepal would be in a much inferior position to expect more than a fraction of it. We can point out a few reasons. First, Nepal does not have a sea access, which Haiti has, and this makes the delivery of relief supplies both insufficient and costly. Second, we do not have an economic superpower next door, both willing and able to help. Immediately after the earthquake, US warships and merchant vessels arrived at Haiti ports within days with supplies of men and materials to help with the relief operations and provide security in normally a lawless country. Third, US and many other countries are likely to ease restrictions for a much larger number of Haiti citizens to migrate to those countries, including many to the United States, which would help ease overcrowding in Haiti at the same time that the flow of remittance money gets increased. And the fourth reason: Christian charities around the world are rushing to help Haiti with the manpower and cash, in large part because Haiti is a Christian nation. Looking at the prospect of long-term assistance for rehabilitation and reconstruction that may take at least a decade, Nepal would need a much larger amount of aid than what is being talked about for Haiti. Basing on the relative population size of two countries and taking Sachs’ estimate noted above of the required amount of aid needed for Haiti’s reconstruction, this can easily come to at least $5 billion a year for Nepal, compared to less than a billion dollars the country currently receives in foreign aid. The lesson Nepal can learn from Haiti’s experience is that, being a small and poor country with very constraining geographic location, it needs to create strong linkages with countries around the world and, most importantly, with its neighbors, particularly India. Even in good times, the country needs considerable amount of outside assistance to stay afloat and carry out rudiments of development programs. The need for such assistance can increase many fold during national emergencies and especially when it meets disasters of the kind Haiti has encountered. It is then sad to see Maoists moving in the opposite direction of international support by taking row with India to assert sovereignty and claiming evils of capitalism to distance themselves from Western democracies, In a globalized world, when countries are coming together for expanded trade, investment and aid contacts, Maoists’ ideas of imposing a communist rule in Nepal—democratically or otherwise—is truly isolationist and calamitous for the people who may have to live there cut-off from the rest of the world, in good times as well as bad. sshah1983@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14517 Whenever high-level visits are made between Nepal and India, the matter relating to reviewing 1950 Treaty comes in the news. However, no political party has taken up the issue of reviewing the pact seriously while in power, no matter how much energy they spend making hue and cry while in the opposition. The necessity of reviewing the Nepal-India Peace and Friendship Treaty 1950 has been a juicy topic for quite a long time. The nature of this issue has been like that of old Hindi cinema songs to a significant number of Nepali people who always find them evergreen and charming. Today the UCPN (Maoist) are raising the issue of reviewing the accord chanting slogans in the streets in the same way the CPN-UML did more than a decade ago in the streets of Kathmandu for the sake of gaining mass popularity. Ironically, none of these political parties dared to take the matter seriously while they were in power. Many people who speak so frequently about the treaty, in fact, do not know exactly what contents the treaty has. The Maoists have been saying that the treaty should be scrapped or replaced claiming it being unequal and that Nepal was cheated while signing it some 60 years back. The pact signed on July 31, 1950 in Kathmandu by the then Prime Minister Mohan Shumsher JB Rana of Nepal and then Indian Ambassador Chandreshwar Prasad Narain Singh on behalf of India consists of ten Articles. The opening paragraph of Article 1 states “there shall be everlasting peace and friendship between the government of Nepal and the government of India….” It further mentions “the two governments agree mutually to acknowledge and respect the complete sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of each other”. In fact, this is the first written document whereby India recognizes Nepal as an independent and fully sovereign country. Let’s examine briefly other Articles of the accord before coming to any hasty conclusions. Under Article 2, the two governments agree to “inform each other of any serious friction or misunderstanding with any neighboring state likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations between the two governments”, while Article 3 talks about maintaining “diplomatic relations with each other and enjoying diplomatic privileges and immunities as per international law on reciprocal basis”. The pact does not contain any provision of review. It can be terminated by issuing a one-year advance notice by either side. Article 5 permits that the government of Nepal is free to import arms, ammunition, equipment or logistics from or through the territory of India if deemed necessary for the security of Nepal. However, this article seems to be almost defunct as Nepal has also imported arms as per its wish from countries like USA, Belgium, and China. The treaty, however, does not speak of imposing restrictions on Nepal to import arms from third countries. Although Article 7 has incorporated the provision of providing nationals of one country in the territory of another the same privileges in terms of residence, ownership of property, participation in trade and commerce, and free movement, in practice, however, Indian nationals are deprived of purchasing land and houses in Nepal whereas Nepalis are permitted to do so in India. Nepali nationals can also apply for jobs in India, except for certain sectors such as foreign services and police force. The pact allows both Nepali and Indian nationals to carry out businesses in each other’s territory without any obstacles. It is estimated that there are some 7-8 million Nepali nationals living in India doing different jobs or pursuing higher education and 2-3 million Indian nationals living in Nepal currently. It is the 1950 accord that provided a basis for a free movement of people between the two countries along the 1,800 km-long open border. The credit for establishing cultural, social, economic, and even family links between the people of these two nations naturally goes to the 1950 treaty. However, voices have been raised that the agreement has become obsolete and it should be reviewed or scrapped as per the changing time and situation, which cannot be undermined. We should be clear, however, as to which Articles of the treaty we need to change and why, and what changes are necessary. In fact, interestingly, the pact does not contain any provision of review. In such a case what can be done is to terminate the treaty by issuing a one-year advance notice by either side. It is interesting to note that until today no government has initiated the process of scrapping the treaty. It is essential to bear in mind that reviewing or replacing the pact should be for further strengthening the ties between Nepal and India, not to worsen them. The revision in the accord should bring more benefits to Nepal so that it will contribute in safeguarding our national interest in a better way. In any case, it should not otherwise invite further troubles and complexities. For example, currently there are more than two dozen border points open between Nepal and India, which have provided good business opportunities and more facilities for movement. If the new pact cannot guarantee more points, it will only increase our suffering. To sum up, the issue of reviewing the treaty should not be turned into a cheap political slogan only to gain short-term popularity without assessing its long-term implications. sirish27@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14516 Madhes politics is dominated by high-class landlords and the leaders hardly realize the problems faced by a large chunk of landless, homeless, unemployed and frustrated youths, daily-wage laborers, and the like. The catch words Jay Madhes do not help the hungry buy their staple food roti neither do they provide them with rojgari’i.e. jobs. The Madhesi leaders have failed to prioritize the socioeconomic hardships faced by the majority. Hence, the movement now looks more as one aimed at satisfying the greed of a few rather than addressing the grievances of the many. The strategic cooperation between the ruling classes of the hills and ethnic elites ignores the socioeconomic problems faced by the poorest and the most vulnerable marginalized communities such as the Madhesi Dalits (Dom, Chamar, Dusad, Tatma, et al) who are bearing the triple burden of class, caste and race. Giving space to the genuinely oppressed can easily pose a threat to the position of the power holders. This new form of elitism confines resources and opportunities within a few high- and middle-class ethnic actors, and have served to exacerbate conflict rather than resolving it. It is improper to project Madhesis as one homogeneous group. People from various economic, social and religious backgrounds face very different realities and challenges. These differing realities reflect in the disparity of resources and opportunities available to men and women, urban and rural dwellers as well as to those at different ends of the economic spectrum. Identity has received recognition overshadowing the socioeconomic problems faced by the majority of the unemployed frustrated youths. That’s why, despite the large presence of Madhesi faces in the Constituent Assembly and the government, violence continues to escalate in the Tarai. Killings, abductions, death threats, extortions and road blockades have been affecting the livelihoods and security of ordinary people. The impact of Madhesi leaders’ presence in power is limited as they represent only the elite class. Frustration toward Madhesi politics is rising, particularly because the local population is still deprived of basic human needs such as food, employment and security. For the Madhesi leaders, socioeconomic problems are not a priority. They simply believe in the theory of power-sharing oblivious of the problems experienced everyday by the local people. So far, the movement has only taken forward the economic, social and political interests of the leaders while overlooking the daily livelihood needs, security, and structural discriminations faced by the poorest local residents and individuals. Madhesi leaders have failed to notice the structural factors of ethnicity, caste, gender, class, and its impact on the daily lives of individuals. While taking the identity movement ahead, they have overlooked the class-caste nexus and client-patron relations. It is widely perceived that the mandate of the Madhes movement has been abused and misused by the same political elites who remained dominant in all sectors of the state after the democratic change of 1990 while the socioeconomic conditions of the majority of Madhesis have worsened. Actually, there has been not been an effective change in the leadership. Is a new reform and restructuring possible with the same traditional leadership at the helm? The security situation in Madhes has been worsening while an increasing number of young people are being recruited by armed groups. Despite this, Kathmandu still believes that ‘the underlying causes’ of conflict in Tarai goes beyond socioeconomic marginalization. While analyzing the ground reality, it could be argued that a proximate cause of the armed conflict in Tarai may be an interest in acquiring political power in the name of identity crisis; however, the foundation that enabled violence to be legitimized is primarily the scarcity of basic needs and the frustration of the unemployed youth. The sentimental agenda of ‘One Madhes, One Pradhes’ does not any more receive public acceptance. Rather, Madhesis are vigorously looking to have their own Mithila, Bhojpura, Kochila, Abadhi and Tharu states. That is the reason why the Maoists were not accepted when they were in Janakpur to announce their ‘Madhes autonomous state’. Overcoming the conflict in Madhes is almost impossible without transforming the political culture. At the same time, changing the political culture is easier said than done. It takes a long time to uproot the culture of feudalism, which is a common characteristic of the politics in Madhes. Additionally, it would be unrealistic to completely overlook the role of ethnic elites. However, the revitalization of voiceless and the poorest are crucial to resolve conflict in Madhes. dipjha@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14518 The Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers has shamefully revoked the recently introduced provision to clip the prime minister´s discretionary powers to dole out financial assistance to individuals and organizations. The revocation of the provision means that the prime minister can now extend as much largesse as he wants. Though Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal was allotted just 3 million rupees in the current fiscal year to spend as generous assistance to the "needy" (something that has never been well-defined but has always meant those with the political and personal connections to the prime minister´s office), he has already spent 30.05 million in such assistance. This is gross misuse of state funds and a disgrace to the institution of the prime minister. Prime Minister Nepal has tried to defend himself, arguing that former prime ministers were given a free hand to dole out as much money as they wanted. He even got his assistants to prepare a list of how much former prime ministers spent while they were at Baluwatar and passed the list on to the media so that people would not censure him alone. The reality is, none of his predecessors had a free hand and there always was a limit on how much a given prime minister could actually spend. But his predecessors, like him, chose to spend as freely and as limitlessly as they wished. Mr. Prime Minister, the point is, someone has to do things differently, someone has to initiate the change, and someone has to set a precedent. Mahatma Gandhi famously said, "Be the change you want to see." It is sad that you chose to be just one of the same breed when the people are clamoring for a different style of leadership-- for a different character in their leaders. Prime Minister Nepal should have been thankful to his ministers and senior bureaucrats at the Prime Minister’s Office who took an initiative and cut his discretionary powers to fork out largesse. By doing so they released him from the burden of obliging anyone and everyone who knocked on his door for financial assistance. With the provision in place, he could have explained to people seeking that favor that his hands were tied. And they would not have blamed him since the provision was introduced while he was abroad. Instead, Nepal chastised his ministers for trying to manacle him and took his own initiative to revoke the provision. What a blinkered attitude! How can you be blind as a bat to what is in your own best interest, prime minister? http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14476 In his masterpiece Waiting for Godot, a play written in 1949, Nobel Prize winning writer Samuel Beckett presents two characters - Vladimir and Estragon - who keep on waiting for someone called Godot throughout the entire play. Divided into two Acts, the first Act ends with the two characters waiting for Godot to arrive at an unidentified location. And the second Act of the play too ends with their wait still on. Even if they do not fully know whom they are waiting for and why, they are waiting with the hope that something may happen when Godot arrives. Their wait is interrupted by the arrival of a third character called Pozzo whom the two mistake for Godot because they have never seen the latter before. However, the only thing that happens in this absurd play is the wait for an unknown character for an unknown purpose. The purpose of this write-up is not to draw a direct parallel between the play Waiting for Godot and the Nepali people’s wait for something to arrive or an event to occur so that everything we have done so far becomes meaningful. The purpose is to see, on a national level, how the object of our ‘wait’ is constantly postponed, almost in an existential and absurd way as depicted in the play by Beckett. We are in a situation where we may not be able to identify Godot even if he arrives. And, for certain, the arrival of what we are waiting for will immediately shift to a wait for something else. Until April, 2006 Janaandolan II, we all assumed that if we could get rid of the king and have Maoists join the mainstream politics through a peace process, everything would be fine. When that happened, we started to wait for the Constituent Assembly elections with the hope that once those elections take place, our wait would be finally over. With the elections just over, it appeared that the polls were just a beginning of further instability but we continue our wait—maybe once we have the new constitution, everything will be fine, finally. Hopefully, the fresh wait for the new constitution will be over in May, but it will in no way be an end to our waiting. Political affairs will not smoothen out just because we have a new constitution. There will remain the task of federal division of the country followed by the need to set up federal governments, for which we will again have to wait. As things will continue to look bleak, we will then shift our hope on new elections to be held as per the new constitution, hoping once again that all will be well after that. This will go on and on for many years. In this perpetual game of wait and hope, we in Nepal are now waiting for the new constitution. It is almost definite that after we have the new constitution, we will ponder yet again and question ourselves: Was this what we were really waiting for? What I have said should not be regarded as a pessimistic way of looking at things. Just compare it with the existential suggestion presented in Waiting for Godot where human beings are always waiting for something grand to happen every day even though they know that no such thing will happen. So, what’s wrong in having to wait for elections, constitution, federalization, etc on a national level? My point is that it would help a lot if we plainly accepted that there will always be something that we have to wait for followed by some more things to wait for. All political ideologies, whether communist or socialist or democratic, seek to instill a positive sense of hope in people by promising to make things better. Barack Obama, for instance, came in the US national politics scene with the promise of a new hope—that it is possible to hope and believe in change. The numerous political parties in Nepal too have floated their own ideologies that promise to achieve the dreams of a prosperous and stable Nepal. Every politician, holds on to the ideology of his/her concerned party, and goes through this ‘wait’ for the dream to be fulfilled. Hope and wait go together most of the time in our personal lives as well as in the life of a nation. After many months of waiting hopelessly, just the formation of an instrument like the High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) has restored a bit of hope in people that things may finally improve and that there will be some consensus for the promulgation of the new constitution. Human civilizations over the ages have always aspired for further progression and sophistication, and politics is the key instrument to fulfill such aspirations. However, as such aspirations are unending and infinite, we tend to wait for something more to happen even when after things have already happened. Or, maybe on most occasions, we fail to realize that what we have been waiting for has already happened and needlessly continue to wait for it to happen. In this perpetual game of wait and hope, we in Nepal are now waiting for the now famous date of May 28 to arrive so that we can have a new constitution. It is almost definite that after we have the new constitution, we will ponder yet again and question ourselves: Was this what we were really waiting for? Given that the constitution is just a document on paper officially announced to be what it is, there surely will be the ‘wait’ for the implementation of the constitution to institutionalize federal Nepal and democratic institutions. But let us not forget that the fundamental human condition is to keep on waiting like the two characters in Waiting for Godot. Since there is no escape from this condition, we are left with no option but to wait enthusiastically for the hope projected by May 28. bishnu.sapkota@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14477 CPN-UML, the third largest party in the Constituent Assembly, continues to suffer from deep internal divisions over many major issues, the latest being its divergent views on the system of governance. A few weeks after the party’s lawmakers voted in favor of a parliament-elected executive prime minister the party establishment, led by party Chairman Jhala Nath Khanal, has changed its stance and said it will now only vouch for a directly-elected prime minister as proposed in the party´s election manifesto. Party Secretary Bishnu Poudel has, however, argued that since the UML lawmakers in the CA Committee on System of Governance have already voted in favor of the parliament-elected prime ministerial model the party cannot now change its stance. The public spat over the issue among top UML leaders is a reflection of deep divisions and ongoing power tussles within the party. Unfortunate as the dispute is, it will also hurt both the party and the constitution writing process. The party establishment must explain why it wants to change its earlier decision and go for a directly-elected prime ministerial model. After all the decision to strike a deal with the Nepali Congress and go for a prime minister elected by parliament was taken by the UML politburo meeting chaired by Chairman Khanal himself. According to the UML statute, such crucial decisions need to be endorsed by the party’s central committee. While this particular decision has not been endorsed by the central committee it has also not been withdrawn by the politburo. Instead, the UML parliamentary party, which is not a decision making body, has engaged in a fierce debate on what the party’s stance should be. It is unfortunate that the UML remains divided on such a key constitutional issue even after a vote in the CA committee and just 123 days before the deadline for writing the new constitution. The UML should immediately convene its central committee meeting, the highest decision making body in the party, and take a final decision. So long as the party remains divided over this matter it will further complicate negotiations in the CA on the system of governance. Once the major parties become clear on their individual stances regarding the key constitutional issues it will provide a basis for further negotiations in the CA. Both the directly-elected and parliament-elected prime ministerial models have their strengths and weaknesses. Instead of engaging in unhealthy position-taking we urge the UML party to begin a substantive debate on the pros and cons of each of the two models. That will be good for the party and also good for the country. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14475 A few days ago, the Constituent Assembly (CA) Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Powers made a crucial decision on the issue of federal structure of the country. Unfortunately, the decision was done more on the basis of political interest rather than the country’s long-term future. As in the past, the pressure came from the street to push for a model that had already been decided outside the CA’s boundary. A false choice was erected and the two models were “pitted” against each other for a day, and the decision was made. Many experts who had been working on various federal models from all angles were simply discarded in favor of political considerations. The 600+ members of CA would be given just one choice. This type of railroading has cost us dearly in the past, and I think the time has come to let the people decide what kind of federal model they want on the basis of a referendum rather than backroom political negotiations. Thus, I urge the Committee to reconsider their decision and widen the debate. For the last 10 years or so, I have been writing about the need for a decentralized federal structure for the country, and given the geopolitical and ecological realities of the country, I had proposed a structure that takes into account both ethnic sentiment and ecological and geographical interdependence – cooperative federal structure. A crucial debate like this needs feedback from all segments of the society. After all, this is about the long-term future of the country. I do not claim that what I have been presenting is the best way to approach this issue, but I would surely do not want the Restructuring Committee to simply adopt a model solely based on ethnocentric political considerations and street pressures. Even the choice provided by the Nepali Congress, a six-province model, is nothing but a false choice. Neither model takes into account many other elements that are necessary while deciding the federal structure. Many experts had labored for months to articulate this, and for the Restructuring Committee to ignore this completely is just a slap in the face. Maybe, it’s time to give the people a set of real and diverse choices and let them choose a model through a referendum. The backdoor compromises and negotiations have done much damage to the country. It’s time to think differently. What follows below is a plausible model. This cooperative model has two elements – territorial and non-territorial – and takes into account various elements: Ethnicity, resources, ecological dependence, river basin, and pro-cultural harmony structure. Maybe, it’s time to give the people a set of real and diverse choices and let them choose a model through a referendum. The backdoor compromises and negotiations have done much damage to the country. It’s time to think differently. I urge the CA members not to be shortsighted and urge them to take this issue to the people. This issue is not about Pahadi versus Madhesis. This is about Nepal, and we are all in it together. If we miss the boat at this juncture, we will regret it forever. Territorial On the territorial side, the proposed model divides the nation into four states based on the four river basins – Karnali, Gandaki, Bagmati and Koshi. Under each state, there will be some ethnic provinces. These provinces would have to be created on the basis of mutual negotiations among the various parties. That is, Nepal should adopt a federal structure that will take into account the geographical, economic (resource endowment), ecological interdependence and ethnic diversity of the country. The federal structure should be such that would strengthen the territorial integrity of the nation, promote equitable economic development of the various regions within the federation, ensure fair and equitable social justice to all citizens of the country regardless of their gender, religion, ethnic origin and enhance social, cultural and ethnic harmony within the country. This model will ensure that each state includes various ethnic groups (provinces) who will share the ownership of economic resources within the larger state that vary from energy sources (e.g. hydropower, wind power), natural resources (water, forest, and mining) to agricultural farm land (Tarai) to tourism, urban-rural economic linkages, and cash crops. Likewise, the entire state can also collectively deal with natural disasters such as climate change, flooding, soil erosion, glacial meltdown, drought, and human migration. In addition to these territorial prescriptions, I propose other non-territorial aspects of federalism such as properly-defined ethnic rights and representations, and a proper division of power, resources and responsibility between the center and sub-regional entities. For a country with 100 ethnic groups, 70 languages, and spatially well-dispersed sizable Dalit and other ethnic populations, I believe that a pure ethno-based territorial federalism alone cannot address the ethnic, cultural and regional voices being raised, and is not socio-economically viable for the country. Non-Territorial Issues Stability of the House The Proportional Representation (PR) system by itself is not a magic bullet, and there is a real chance that the country will begin to see coalition governments as a rule rather than an exception. This generally leads to instability. Our post-1990 period was also marred with frequent changes in government. However, there are some safety valves that can be installed to prevent such political volatilities. One such mechanism that could be adopted is as follows. But it is more suitable for a parliamentary system with the prime minister (PM) as the executive head: In order to avoid frequent changes in governments that are more likely under the PR system, the parliament may adopt a “constructive vote of no-confidence” system. Under this system, as in Germany, the opposition party should be required to present a slate of the incoming government (including the name of the PM and his/her ministers) before filing for a vote of no-confidence motion. This system discourages the opposition from attempting to table frivolous no-confidence proposals. This German system is also under consideration in India for adoption to stop frequent changes in the government. Political parties that secure less than 3 percent of the total votes cast in any federal election should not qualify to send representatives in the parliament under the PR system. This threshold should not be too high since it would be detrimental to smaller political parties and the functioning of democracy in a country such as Nepal with so much ethnic diversity. But as in many other countries that have adopted a PR system, some sort of threshold would be highly desirable for parliamentary stability and I believe that 2-3 percent requirement would be about right! Internal Democracy Internal democracy in party political structure is essential for democracy to work. Therefore, there should be a provision in the constitution to require all recognized political parties to have elections every five years to elect their leaders at all levels. Similarly, all parliamentary candidates of individual parties should be elected by the democratically-elected local committees of the political parties in the constituencies concerned or through their local voting. Social Justice There should be provisions for affirmative action in favor of women, Madhesis, Tharus, Janajatis, Adibasis, Dalits, and other traditionally marginalized and disadvantaged groups. Such measures should be time-bound or the laws to this effect should have sunset clauses, and thus such provisions should be handled through the legislative laws and not as part of the constitution. Finally, I believe that Nepal’s development prospects are immense and Nepal should take full advantage of its proximity to the two rising economic superpowers of tomorrow – India and China. For this, Nepal needs political stability. We need to show to the world that we are a pearl between the two shining shells and not a yam between the two stones. (Writer is Professor, University of New Mexico.) bohara@unm.edu http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14435 Nepal’s a curious case when it comes to recognizing and protecting sexual minorities’ fundamental rights. It is the first country in South Asia (India is the other one) in deciding that lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and inter-sex individuals (LGBTIs) are natural people and entitled to all fundamental rights as Nepali citizens. However, due to lack of proper sensitization of the bureaucracy and the debate (albeit a hushed one) over “natural-unnatural” aspect of sex, this momentous decision has been reduced to paper. Those working in the field of sexual minorities’ rights often complain about the attitude of government officials (and others as well) toward LGBTIs. There is smirk on their faces; more questions, often humiliating and uncomfortable ones, are asked and various reasons cited for not adhering to the apex court’s orders on granting citizenship as per their status. The sad part is that even those who are aware of, and fight for, an individual’s fundamental human rights find it difficult to accept the LGBTIs as natural human beings. This is surprising considering that Nepal has been on the forefront of recognizing sexual minorities as natural human beings, and crucially important, as citizens. Chanda Musalman, a 48-year old, was issued a citizenship certificate, not as ‘male’ or female’, but as both in Banke district in early Feb 2007. Later that year, on Dec 21, the Supreme Court ordered that lLGBTIs are natural people and hence should be entitled to all fundamental rights as Nepali citizens. A year later the court again directed the government to form a committee to study the possibility of recognizing same-sex marriages. Since the SC order of 2007, sex between same-sex couples has been officially decriminalized. (The emphasis is deliberate as in practice discrimination and stigma abound.) Pretty impressive stuff, if one just looks at this statistics. There is the other side as well and it is not pretty at all. In January 2007, Dev Gurung, the then Minister for Local Development, had said, “Homosexuality is a product of capitalism. Under socialism this kind of problem does not exist!” Khushi Gurung, 21, leads a miserable life in Pokhara after her parents abandoned her. A story by my colleague in Republica on Jan 18 tries to capture her pain. Born a boy, Khushi says she developed a girl’s behavior. “My parents forced me out of house by putting pressure on me to lead a life of a normal boy,” she shared her pain at a function on the rights of the third gender in the city recently. Another colleague filed a story, published in Republica on Dec 20 last year. Arati Shrestha, 19, from Kanchanpur district was also thrown out of house for refusing to marry as per her parents’ wishes. She too was born a boy but started behaving like a girl. This was too much for her parents in a conservative society like ours. She is now taking shelter in Nepalgunj after brief stays in Dhangadhi and Mahendranagar. Sunil Babu Pant, a Constituent Assembly member and founder and director of Blue Diamond Society which works for the rights of the sexual minority in Nepal, rues that despite the Supreme Court decisions, discrimination against sexual minorities has continued. He accuses Home Minister Bhim Rawal of not being very supportive of the LGBTIs rights. The district administration offices (DAOs) across the country - which work under the home minister – are still reluctant to issue citizenship cards under “tesro lingi" (third gender). Rawal, on the other hand, denies being an obstacle to sexual minority groups and violating the apex court order. “No one can violate the SC order,” he told this writer. Rawal’s interpretation of the SC order is that the highest court of the land has not categorically ruled to issue citizenship under transgender category. Among the people calling shots in Nepal, Rawal’s discomfort is shared by many other “natural” people. In January 2007, Dev Gurung, the then Minister for Local Development, had said, “Homosexuality is a product of capitalism. Under socialism this kind of problem does not exist!” Two months later, his party and cabinet colleague Hisila Yami was not as harsh as Gurung. She said, “...don’t punish homosexuals, but we also don’t encourage homosexual behavior”. While the fight for right is an ongoing battle, there’s another serious dimension to the sexual minorities. It is that of survival. While homosexuals, so long as they are not out in the open do not have problem in getting education or employment (of course there are exceptional cases), the transgender face a totally different world. They say that since they are born as male (or female) and behave as the opposite sex, they are ridiculed and shunned. More serious is lack of access to health centers. At a workshop on MSM, sexual minorities, sexual diversity, human rights and HIV in Colombo, Sri Lanka in late November, some startling data was shared by the organizers – UNDP, Naz Foundation International and the Asia Pacific Coalition on Male Sexual Health. Prevalence of HIV among the MSM (men who have sex with men) was rising on an alarming note, particularly in Thailand and Burma. According to the statistics, 30 percent each of the MSM in Bangkok (Thailand) and Yangon (Myanmar) have been detected with HIV. The figures are 15 percent in parts of India and more than 5 percent in Beijing. While no specific data on HIV prevalence among MSMs in Nepal was available, the rise of the HIV infection in countries close to Nepal is something that cannot be ignored. There is more awareness about HIV and AIDS in Nepal and people do visit health centers and hospitals more freely than in the past. But cases like Mansara BK’s do happen. According to Dec 2, 2009 edition of Annapurna Post newspaper, this 30-year old woman was thrown out of her village in Santada in remote Achham district for being HIV positive. Minority sexual rights activists say MSM have problems in having access to health centers due to the stigma attached with their status. With a data showing number of MSM on the rise in Kathmandu (and in Bangladesh), it is possible that HIV among them could be on the rise too. We can tackle the HIV among them. But for that we must accept the sexual minorities as one amongst us – human beings. damakant@myrepublica.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14436 Nebico Private Limited and Maharjan Construction Service Private Limited deserve applause for awarding one of our best karate players Deepak Shrestha with a tipper truck (worth Rs 2.8 million) and a two-wheeler (worth Rs 200,00) respectively. In cash value, the award is the biggest individual prize so far in Nepali sports. Private initiatives such as these to honor outstanding sportspersons are far and between and they must be appreciated by all and sundry. However, the very fact that Nebico decided to award Shrestha with a tipper truck itself speaks a lot about the plight of our sportspersons following their retirement from the game. Once they are through with their careers, they are forced to do all kinds of work – sometimes extremely unbefitting of people who have remained national heroes – to eke out a living. Barring a few exceptions such as Sangina Baidya, Deepak Bista, Upendra Man Singh, Anil Gurung, among a few others, Nepali sportspersons hardly make any money during their playing careers. The ramifications of pursuing a career in sports without decent monetary incentives have telling effects. First, our sportspersons are never able to completely focus on their games deeply affecting their performance. Second, talented prospects are forced to give up sports and look for more lucrative avenues. Take for example the case of cricketer Kaniska Chaugain, picked as an upcoming star by the international media following his brilliance during ICC U-19 Cricket World Cup in 2006. Financial considerations forced him to quit the game and instead of bringing glory to the nation, he is now eking out a living in the US, probably doing all kinds of odd jobs. There are others who leave for foreign shores to take part in international events but stay back there illegally to work and earn some cash. Imagine what kind of dent such incidents create on the image of Nepal! Sportspersons are national assets who must be treated with love and respect. We should ensure that they are able to focus completely on their games so that they can make the country proud in international tournaments. To make this happen, we need a concerted effort from sports bodies and federations, government and private sector. They must ensure that sportspersons receive lucrative remuneration and rewards while they are active in their careers. Additionally, they should see to it that they don’t have to worry about earning two square meals a day for themselves and their families post-retirement. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14434 None of the economic theories work in Nepal The Nepali economy has been somewhat jittery in recent months. There has been a liquidity crunch for the past five months while inflation has been tormenting the public for the past 18 months. The Balance of Payment (BoP) deficit reached Rs 20 billion due to diminishing growth rate in remittance inflow caused by global financial meltdown and deteriorating exports and escalating imports in the first quarter of fiscal year 2009/10. Foreign trade deficit reached nearly Rs 100 billion and export-import ratio soared to 84:16. The symptoms indicate that the economy is headed for a serious crisis. The government recently formed a taskforce headed by the National Planning Commission’s vice chairman to formulate counter policy measures to mitigate possible crisis. Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) issued a new directive to commercial banks and financial institutions to fix a ceiling on real estate and housing lending to prevent possible financial systemic failure. NRB is also mulling to hike up interest rates. Meanwhile, controversies are rising over NRB’s directive to forestall up-and-coming systemic failure of the financial system. Some of the economists believe that NRB took a hasty decision and it will directly affect the growing housing and real estate sector in the short run and the whole banking and financial system eventually. Whatever may be the arguments, it is apparent that the real estate and housing bubble will create problems in the economy in the future. Although I am not a fan of Lucacian rational expectation hypothesis, it is worth reflecting upon the theory. The hypothesis is one of the important monetary economic theories and was developed by Nobel Laureate Robert Lucas in the aftermath of the oil crisis of the 1970s. The major argument of the hypothesis is that monetary policy never works. I doubt whether NRB’s directive will help prevent a possible financial system collapse. First, our economy has been perennially experiencing low growth. The incentives to make business investments are very limited in the real sector as the economies of scale do not work in an entrepreneur’s favor due to the limited size of our economy. Our market is in no position to compete with the huge markets of India and China. Political instability and uncertainties also contribute in limiting private sector investment in the real sector. Investment in infrastructure such as hydropower, highways and railways are a few possible alternatives but policy ambiguity, long gestation period, uncertainties and risks due to economic and non-economic factors act as retarding factors. The major argument of the Lucacian hypothesis is that monetary policy never works. I doubt whether NRB’s directive will help prevent a possible financial system collapse. Besides, our economy is suffering from supply deficiency due to various bottlenecks. The counter policy measures of demand-deficient economy may not work in a supply-deficient economy. Economic stimulus ignites the economy at times of effective demand deficiency. However, our case is totally different when compared to others because of supply deficiency, liquidity crunch with high inflation and BoP deficits. Second, the main factor for an increase in investments on real estate and housing are availability of easy and cheap bank loans due to inward remittances and the lack of real sector investment incentives and opportunities. So, remittance is one of the key factors leading to asset price bubble in real estate and housing. Our remittance is almost the size of our budget contributing to maintain gross national consumption and maintain BoP. Due to the lack of investment incentives and innovations in diversifying the portfolio management in real and productive sectors, the main share of remittance is spent on consumption. Remittance is substantially contributing to the mushrooming of the banking and financial institutions. Banks and financial institutions’ portfolio on real estate and housing has reached Rs 114 billion, which is 12 percent of gross domestic product of our country. The cooperative sector’s portfolio on the same is nearly Rs 35 billion. Third, donors and INGOs are spending a substantial amount of money in Nepal. A total of Rs 12 billion has been spent to support the constitution-drafting process. Similarly, donors and I/NGOs have been investing a huge amount of money in other development sectors. A remarkable portion of their spending goes in the form of salaries of Nepali staff, which is spent partly on consumption and the rest on investment on real estate and housing. Fourth, cooperatives such as Oriental, Guna and Kantipur are as huge as commercial banks in terms of their asset and liabilities, according to a recent remark of the NRB governor. They are not regulated by NRB. Their portfolio is huge on the real estate sector. They will continuously invest in real estate and housing in the future and it will nullify the effects of the policy measures that NRB has come up with. Fifth, the open border with India causes problems in money and capital market and BoP. Imports are paid through the banking system. Conversely, more than 40 percent exports to India are done through smuggling causing extreme pressure on our BoP. The underground capital flight also deteriorates BoP. Lastly, our investors’ behavior is irrational. Provincial capitals will be established in certain areas after we delineate federal units which will lead to a rise in real estate prices by another 300-400 percent because people will rush to invest in these capitals. What are the solutions? First of all, to monitor the financial and banking system and keep it away from danger, an Early Warning System should be formulated in coordination with the Ministry of Finance, NRB and the association of banking and financial institutions. Second, fiscal measures in coordinating monetary measures should be applied. Tax and non-tax measures should be applied to control the real estate asset pricing bubble. Similarly, remittance should be channeled to productive sectors, Diaspora Bond should be issued to raise funds for ambitious infrastructure projects, which also could increase employment. Third, monetary measures should put a ceiling on real estate and housing lending and interest rates. Likewise, monetary and capital market legislations and policy should be simplified to attract development investment. Fourth, real sector development incentives should be given to private sector investment through fiscal measures such as subsidies and tax exemptions. The political and security situation must also be improved. Fifth, the market should be monitored and smuggling and underground businesses should be controlled. Sixth, necessary legislation and guidelines should be formulated in giving mandate to NRB for regulation of cooperative sector. Seventh, national economic integration should be done by removing the supply side bottlenecks. The policy should concentrate to expand the supply side and to eliminate economic repression and market imperfections. Last but not least, the present situation definitely demands policy-based precautionary measures and bold steps. However, they must not overlap each other. One policy measure to solve a problem should not augment another problem in the economy. For example, solving liquidity crunch should not create a problem of toxic mortgage. I may sound cynical but I believe that even such policy measures might not work well because none of economic laws are applicable in the Nepali economy. I think, as Lucas thought, if policies work here, that will simply be a happy accident. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14433 Our experiment with democracy has a chequered history. Even today, Nepali politics stands in a position where the sustenance of a democratic polity lays in peril. The threats to our infant democracy are multi-faceted. There are ideological differences amongst parties. There is erosion of institutional authority and there is growing interference of the international community in Nepal’s peace process. These speak of Nepal’s ailing democratic process. The main problem to sustain democracy in Nepal has been the ideological divisions among the parties. This has also affected the Constituent Assembly. This aspect of problem has been greatly underestimated if not completely overlooked while analyzing the pitfalls of our democratic evolution since the second people’s movement of April 2006. Nepali Congress, the oldest democratic institution in the country, has remained divided ideologically and organizationally. Giraja Prasad Koirala should have been the man to stand against forces that didn’t support the existence of a liberal democratic polity. However, the irony is that Koirala has been functioning only to further and achieve his personal and familial ambitions. At a time when the chieftain of the country’s largest democratic party is walking hand in hand with the forces that are in play to undermine the values of a liberal democracy, how can we envision the sustenance of a liberal democracy in Nepal? CPN-UML is also marred by internal ideological differences. On the one hand, the party has to secure its vote bank by appearing to be more communist than the Maoist. On the other hand, the party is also competing with the centrist party like the Nepali Congress for more votes. These contradictions are best exemplified by the camps led by its party Chairman Jhalanath Khanal and senior leader KP Oli. Therefore, the UML has to make up its mind without delay to decide what type of party it wants to become –a communist party or a social democratic party. Talking of the Maoist they are pretty clear of what they want i.e. the establishment of a people’s republic guided by the principles of communism as experimented in nations like Cuba, North Korea, China to name a few. Strategically, not only are the Maoist very astute, they are also equally committed to their ideological cause. Furthermore, their end goal is very well-defined unlike that of the other parties. What was baffling was the immediate positive response of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) to the creation of HLPM even before the terms of reference and jurisdiction were defined. Democracies survive if there is a balance in the power play, in the absence of which a particular force will arise. In Nepal, we are facing a similar predicament. The balance of power is uneven and there is a question mark as to whether a liberal democratic polity will continue to exist. Sashi Tharoor, India’s junior foreign minister in his book ‘India: from Midnight to Millennium’ has observed how during India’s experiment with emergency democratic rights had been stifled. One particular observation of Tharoor is comparable to the situation that is prevailing in Nepali politics today. For instance, Tharoor talks in length about how Indira Gandhi bypassed the cabinet and relied on her personal aides for making critical decisions. The consequence of such a move, argues Tharoor, is the erosion of parliamentary supremacy and the executive responsibility of a cabinet. We are facing a similar problem in Nepal. Routinely, the parliament and the Constituent Assembly have been obstructed. The recently constituted High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) is against the democratic form of governance. HLPM will only provide space for leaders to bypass institutions such as the parliament, constituent assembly and undervalues the credibility of the cabinet. Furthermore, the leaders involved will not be accountable. In essence it is going to create a parallel power structure. What was baffling was the immediate positive response of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) to the creation of HLPM even before the terms of reference and jurisdiction were defined. Clearly, the ultimate goal of the peace process is democracy and sustainable peace. However, when a political body like HLPM is created and its functions contradict democratic values, one has to question why the UNMIN actually welcomed this development. It seems evident that under the banner of democracy everything and anything is acceptable to the international community. This is mainly for two reasons. First, it has invested heavily on the peace process and they want their investment to work howsoever. Even if the political parties hastily prepare a constitution at the eleventh hour, it will be acceptable to the international community. However, if such a constitution is made, it will inevitably invite a conflict in the near future. In conclusion, first there has to be a balance in the power play in Nepali politics. For this, it is essential that democrats across different parties should unite to safeguard democratic values and institutions. Second, both the parliament and the constituent assembly are democratic institutions and they cannot be bypassed at any level. Bypassing such institutions will set a negative precedent in the future discourse of Nepali politics. It will only work to weaken democratic ethos, values and practices. Last, the international community has an influential role to play in Nepali politics. However, it has to be sincere about what sort of democracy it wishes to see in Nepal and work accordingly. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14395 The suggestion of the Constituent Assembly (CA) Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Powers to reserve special rights to members of the largest community in the soon-to-be-delineated federal provinces is utterly regressive, to say the least. According to the proposal, only people belonging to the largest community in the province will get to occupy top positions such as that of chief minister. The entire premise behind opting for a federal structure is to make every sphere of Nepali society, which has traditionally been dominated by Brahmins, Chettris and Newars, more inclusive but this suggestion strikes deep into the very essence of the idea. True, if the proposal is implemented, we might see the rise of at least another 14 to 15 groups but isn’t the whole idea behind going federal being defeated by making grounds for the progress and development of only a limited number of communities? Isn’t this unfair on dozens of other groups that will not have a majority in any of the proposed provinces? Isn’t this discriminatory toward groups that have traditionally been living in certain areas but will now be barred from opportunities simply because they are in the minority? Whither goes free competition, the hallmark of a free society? This Maoist-proposed suggestion is a blatant infringement on the democratic rights of the people. We have always warned that taking the ethnicity angle too far while carving out federal provinces and creating laws and regulations for them will create deep schisms in our otherwise tolerant society. We warn again that if this idea finds a place in the upcoming constitution, it will foster anger and resentment among the majority of Nepalis at the cost of a few. Common sense must prevail and the proposal must be defeated when it is presented at the CA for voting. This proposal will find a place in the upcoming statute only if it gets support from two-thirds CA members present during voting. Though some parliamentarians belonging to CPN-UML and other minor parties have given a nod to the suggestion, the parties as a whole are against it. Four Madhes-based parties have also already voiced their opposition against the proposal. Meanwhile, it has been reported that even the voting process in the Full Committee was full of anomalies. This is enough evidence that the proposal should not find a place in the upcoming constitution. It must be discarded in earnest! http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14394 Perhaps, no period in our recent history can beat the January 3-9 week for showering our country with positive events. Three remarkable instances gave hope that this nation could see a new constitution on May 28. Christians describe good things in succession by the phrase “blessings upon blessings”. The first event surprised the nation when on Jan 4 the Constitutional Committee’s Chairman, Nilambar Acharya, gave the Constituent Assembly (CA) Chairman Subas Nembang the preliminary draft of the constitution. Never mind that two committees had yet to submit their reports. By Jan 22 all completed their tasks. Acharya deserves applauses for his remarkable leadership. Nembang predicted that the draft’s submission made the promulgation of the constitution on May 28 very likely. While the Maoists obstructed the House for six months, they mercifully spared the CA which had been progressing on the country’s most important legal document. Many issues need resolving, but at least the preliminary draft has seen completion. The second hope-filled event took place on Jan 6 as 201 disqualified Maoist combatants left their cantonment in Dudhauli and headed home. For this, the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), the Maoists, and the government should receive a standing ovation. True, these child soldiers shouldn’t have entered the cantonment in the first place. As Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal boasted in the Shaktikhor video, the Maoists managed to swell the number of 4,000 real fighters to a phoney 19,000 by recruiting children. Some say that genuine combatants run free in the society as the Young Communist League (YCL). However, the cantonments are an eyesore to our nation and the quicker they disappear, the better. On Jan 17, the Shaktikhor cantonment too experienced evacuation. The third positive happening occurred on Friday, Jan 8. The bosses of the three major parties agreed to the High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) which has provided a platform for Girija Prasad Koirala, Dahal and Jhalanath Khanal to talk, and offered the three leaders a clout they itched to exercise. Some fear that Dahal may use the HLPM to storm into power. This can’t take place as long as Koirala directs and Khanal stays on guard. Others think the three leaders may try to become the backseat drivers to Prime Minister (PM) Madhav Kumar Nepal, as Margaret Thatcher very foolishly offered to do for UK’s succeeding premier John Major. However, Madhavji has proven he’s wily as well and surely won’t tolerate anyone bossing him around. Initially, Dahal poured cold water on the HLPM when he didn’t want the PM in it. However, later Dahal mellowed enough to have Madhavji as an invited participant. Thanks, Dahal, but please make the PM feel he’s a true “mechanic” in the mechanism, otherwise Madhavji may not even show up! The HLPM met for the first time on Jan 19. If has already proven its effectiveness by persuading Dahal to call off the month-long Maoist strike that was to begin from Jan 24. Three remarkable events in the January 3-9 week gave hope that this nation could see a new constitution by May 28. During the rest of 2010, we can expect more good for our country from the Almighty. These three events took place within the first week of the New Year, and gave the entire nation fresh hopes. Quick to rejoice were also members of the Christian community, which has been faithfully praying for the country, even more since January 2006 in response to King Gyanendra’s dictatorship. Mass and chain prayers continue. Volunteering churches from Mechi to Mahakali will intercede for our nation 24 hours a day in unison from Jan 23 to 30. Then, 31st following, different churches every week will be praying till January 2011, only to repeat the cycle again. Events following that momentous New Year first week have been positive too. Plans to nominate Koirala for the Nobel Peace prize started from December 2009 but the government sent his profile to Oslo during January second week. Koirala’s success would bring great honor to our country. No matter what faults Koirala has and who hasn’t, after all? Anyway, he brought the “former terrorists” onto the democratic path. Reluctantly, the Maoists seem to have adopted the parliamentary system. Their black flag protests continue, but are gradually getting less violent. We expect the Maoists to turn to a democratic, peaceful party like the Nepali Congress or the UML, which too used violence in the past. Thus, we should give credit to Koirala for partially “taming” the Maoists; and the Nobel Peace Prize for him would give his effort worldwide recognition. On Jan 15, the CA Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Powers submitted its draft, which proposes Nepal as a federal nation of either 6 or 14 states. Whichever model finally receives acceptance, our country now has made considerable progress towards federalism. After 240 years of unitary governments’ failure to provide adequate development, federalism deserves an experiment. Most people don’t fully agree with the “nationalistic” demonstrations the Maoists have conducted in the India-encroached border areas but these too had some positive outcomes. First, thanks to the Maoists, gigantic India has gotten the message that Tiny Nepal can’t tolerate bullying forever. Second, Nepal government has received the warning that it should deliver more to really claim the “encroached” areas. Journalist Prashant Jha (Nepali Times, January 15-21) argues that a place like Susta suffers more from Nepali neglect than Indian encroachment. The Susta inhabitants ask for citizenship papers (60 percent of the population there don’t have them), a bridge, a VDC status, and a health post. Such basic demands! Without a bridge, the 20 meters rickety-boat trip to Susta on the Narayani River takes almost an hour. For the Susta inhabitants, the Maoists have shown that they care. To their credit, the former rebels have won the hearts of the border-area people. They clearly have the post-constitution election in focus. With such “benevolent” activities, the Maoists can contest the polls and come out as a major party again, this time through fair means. Remember Nepal Defense Army’s leader Ram Prasad Mainali? He earned notoriety as the mastermind behind Kathmandu’s Assumption Church bombing (May 23, 2009) that led to three deaths and 13 wounded (one died later). One national English daily reported that Mainali had repented for his past atrocities. From now on, he would strive for a ‘Hindu’ Nepal through peaceful means. However, a Christian magazine, Hamro Ashish, published a letter from Mainali. Quoting a line from the Bible, he admits to having asked forgiveness from the Lord (Jesus Christ). Skeptics can charge that Mainali, playing to both Hindu and Christian galleries, wishes an early release from Nakhkhu jail. However, he could have also genuinely converted to a better way. His letter shows much confusion but also a desire to “isolate myself from violence and reform my life for human good”. Whatever the final outcome, the Christian community’s and others’ loving forgiveness towards Mainali have begun to bear fruit. A biblical writer said, “In all things God works for the good of those who love him.” Most Nepalis love God. During the rest of 2010, we can expect more good for our country from the Almighty. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14393 Haiti—it’s in a mess. These are times when optimism bows down to the greatly encompassing darkness of no hope. These are times when one with the most positive of attitude is forced to ask ‘why’, and these are times when the unforgiving callosity of nature thwarts human egos. It is indeed unfortunate that more than 50,000 people have lost their lives in Haiti following the massive earthquake. Millions have become homeless. There is shortage of food, dearth of clean drinking water and rampant incidents of looting and fighting. Amidst all the tragedy, however, people around the globe have come together to help the needy. That, I see as a silver lining around the dreary clouds hovering over the skies of Haiti. From countries around the world to individuals, from students to professionals, from singers to sports stars - people, organizations and states have chipped in what they can for the relief efforts. I would possibly not be wrong in saying that the world has not seen an example of such display of global concern and empathy before. The United States has been assisting in the rescue operations by sending its marine soldiers. I was pleasantly surprised to see the big boss in the region send its troops to another nation, possibly for the first time in a long, long while, to make peace and not war. At times of global crisis, things do tend to change positively. Similarly, some other countries around the world have pledged aids in forms of finances, food, shelters and human resources. What is more surprising to see, and is fairly new to my knowing, is the amount of charities that have come from personal and individual levels. Hollywood stars Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie decided to write off 1 million to the charity efforts in Haiti. Sandra Bullock did the same. George Clooney is doing a telethon on US TV to raise money. These are only a few names among thousands of others who have come up with helping hands. Other sports stars, musicians, lawyers, doctors, union workers, students are also contributing. The other thing that pleases me most is the effectiveness of media and technology seen in the whole disaster aftermath. It was a matter of minutes before the blogosphere and the interwebs were full of news about the disaster prompting people, organizations and governments to react to the situation. Social networks otherwise taunted mostly as tools of entertainment proved instrumental in mustering millions of dollars within hours. Texting and SMS services were used as alternates and very effectively so as to raise money. Will it take another volcano, another earthquake, another tsunami or another Armageddon altogether for the world to see all the people come together, irrespective of their nationalities, origins, backgrounds and ages for a common effort of preserving humanity? Donations were collected in the order of millions of dollars within a couple of days via various websites and online donation booths. If it weren’t for the advancement of technology, the relief efforts in Haiti could have been majorly stalled - not due to the lack of human concern and sympathy but in absence of an instrumental medium for quick support and outreach, which technology quite successfully proved itself to be. All in all, it was more than pleasing to see everyone pull together, opposing political ideologies merge, and even profit-orientated organizations trying to keep human interest atop everything at dire times. Bill Clinton and George W Bush campaigned together. UPS - a shipping company - shipped relief packages for free and American Airlines flew doctors and nurses for free to Haiti. All these can only be hailed as a positive strength shown by the human agency in trying to lift up the situation of their fellow species. A little disappointing it sure was to see even this global effort not able to remain aloof from the game of dirty politics and finger-pointing. One of the most effective online efforts by Haiti-born singer Wycleaf Jean was accused of profiteering for his own musical production. The singer refuted immediately and angrily, and rightfully so after trying his best to amass support for the country of his birth. Similarly, the power politics between some countries ensued shamelessly. France accused the US of trying to occupy Haiti for their political interests and not for charitable causes igniting tension between the two superpowers. Looking at some of these cases, it sometimes strikes to me that the human mind has been trained to think negatively so much that even the most benign of actions look malicious to us. Thankfully, the majority of events circling the charity and the relief efforts have overpowered these petty but annoying distractions. It was indeed very unfortunate that Haiti even happened but as is the nature of time, everything needs to move on. Haiti is done too. With all the encouraging signs of human affection, charity and assistance, relief efforts will continue and helping hands will keep flooding in. The bigger question is: Can the positivity shown by the world, the countries, states, organizations and people remain intact? Can the glimmer of hope, the feeling of trust shown by mankind on itself perpetrate though the longevity of time? Or will it take another volcano, another earthquake, another tsunami or another Armageddon altogether for the world to see all the people come together, irrespective of their nationalities, origins, backgrounds and ages for a common effort of preserving humanity? I would like to hope that the positivity retains in the future, the friendly energy keeps enveloping the entire world and that the good energy of human togetherness and unity that has come out of an unfortunate accident will remain there for a long time. Let the silver lining seen around the Haitian clouds enlighten the global atmosphere! kumud.nepal@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14392 The recent remarks made by Defense Minister Bidya Devi Bhandari during a program organized by Nepal Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization is noteworthy. The press reported that she stressed “both the government and the Maoists should be serious about forming the high-level Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) if they want to curb impunity prevailing in the country”. Along similar lines, the UCPN (Maoist) leader Barsha Man Pun reportedly remarked that neither Nepal Army soldiers nor UCPN (Maoist) cadres “should be victimized for their mandated actions during the decade-long insurgency,” although actions can be taken against those “who carried out arbitrary violence during the conflict through a truth and reconciliation commission”. Both of their remarks indicate the prevalent misconception or perhaps, a deliberate delusion on the part of the politicians to avoid accountability of any nature that TRC is the only way to deal with war crimes and is a solution to all justice-related woes, including the end of impunity. More importantly, the prevailing argument that any steps such as presenting people such as Major Niranjan Basnet court must wait until the TRC is formed is worrisome. Politicians like Minister Bhandari and Pun should understand if they are genuinely unaware that nothing, including the TRC, prevents victims from seeking justice in a civilian court and that they don’t have to wait for bodies like the TRC to be formed to get justice. The justice system, for instance, still has the authority to take actions on cases such as Maina Sunwar or Arjun Lama regardless of the existence or non-existence of TRC or even in cases where there has been reconciliation between victims and perpetrators after TRC completes its work. Thus, our leaders’ argument that the formation of TRC is going to end impunity is clearly misleading. To end impunity, the state apparatus needs to be independent and accountable, which would then enable perpetrators to be brought to book. For that, political interference in the justice system needs to end. Everyone should be treated equally before the law and court orders should be respected. People like Major Basnet should present themselves before the court so that an independent investigation can take place on the allegations faced. There cannot be any peace and justice in our society if independent judicial bodies are not allowed to function and as long as there is someone or some entity functioning above the law. Let’s be accountable and honest with the victims of conflict. They have a right to know why bodies such as TRC are being formed. Let’s not deceive victims by saying that TRC will deliver all their justice-related demands, including persecution. Equally important is to understand that TRC is not a prosecuting body and it has power only to issue recommendations for prosecution, meaning even after the TRC completes its work, the government still needs to follow-up the recommendations, including prosecution. Hence, the justice system will have the responsibility to follow-up on cases even after the TRC completes its task. In the light of this widely-accepted concept of truth commissions, it should not be difficult for people to understand that victims like Devi Sunwar, Maina’s mother, do not need to wait for justice until TRC is formed as the case is already before the court. Clearly, the problem is not just lack of understanding of the concept of TRC. The situation reflects two fundamental issues: Lack of political will, a genuine commitment to end impunity, and a classic tension of pursuing peace and justice in parallel during the transition period. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) clearly says that the parties to the conflict “will guarantee not to encourage impunity” will promote “good governance by eliminating impunity” and will safeguard the rights of victims. However, it commits to form the Disappearances and TRC Commissions to investigate gross human rights violations “to create the situation of reconciliation in the society” but there is no clear mention that the perpetrators of human rights violations will be brought to justice to end impunity. Alternatively, there is no clarity in the CPA if some justice will be traded off for peace and if so, to what extent. What seems to have happened is that the political parties left these issues for further “negotiation” to avoid sensitivity while securing a peace agreement. Perhaps, they feared that they will themselves be implicated. Hence, these unexamined and unresolved issues have helped the Maoists, the army and other political parties to escape any form of accountability for past and ongoing human rights violations as well as enabled the same perpetrators to commit more crimes. This has resulted in a cycle of violence and further entrenched impunity. Any attempts to push for accountability for the conflict-related human rights violations are met with resistance. Arguments that the TRC will solve all justice-related problems and end impunity are put forward to silence the victims and advocates. Our leaders and advocates of TRC need to be clear that we cannot expect the TRC to prosecute the perpetrators of human rights violations as it cannot and will not. At best, what it can do is to recommend prosecutions to the Attorney General’s office as it stands in the current TRC draft bill and help create an environment for prosecution. TRC is supposed to reveal the larger social and political context, which enabled such crimes to take place in the first place and recommend various forms of amends for the victims. What TRC can do is to enable a level of truth, discourse and dialogue and perhaps some reconciliation; it can support wider processes of state-building and democratization process. However, it cannot immediately and magically ensure prosecutions as it has no power as such. Thus, let’s be accountable and honest with the victims of conflict. They have a right to know why bodies such as TRC are being formed. Let’s not deceive victims by saying that TRC will deliver all their justice-related demands, including persecution. Let’s be clear with them what the TRC can and cannot do. This will help victims to be a part of the transitional justice discourse and avoid unrealistic expectations. Otherwise, it may not only lead to a sense of a deferral of justice for many but also frustrations and a sense of unfulfilled expectations. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14357 The unfortunate death of eight-year-old Santosh Karki in Gothatar, Bhaktapur, on Wednesday is a clear indication that small arms are easily and readily available in Nepal. The young child lost his life after being struck by a bullet fired by one of the gang members hired by Ratna Lama, president of Nepal Construction Entrepreneurs Association (NCEA) Kavre, to settle scores with a certain Rajaram Khadka. The ill-fated second-grader was on his way to school. The incident also points toward the fact that a heady mix of politics, money and violence has torn the very fabric of our society. Lama, until some years back, was a priest in Kavre. Under the patronage of Satyaman Lama, a minister in the Panchayati government, the illiterate Lama has now risen to become a millionaire and a proprietor of an ‘A-Grade’ construction company. That Lama had the audacity to spread terror of such a magnitude in broad daylight speaks a lot about his deep connections with the high and the mighty. According to a news report that was published in our sister daily Nagarik, when Lama was the Treasurer of NCEA Kavre, he had made an arrangement to give the Maoists 5 percent of the revenue collected by the Association. Lama, his sons Palden and Phurwa, and some other members involved in the incident are at large. Palden has long been wanted by the police in public offence cases. We urge the authorities to bring them to book and try them as stringently as the law of the land permits. Meanwhile, the grief-stricken Karki family must be duly compensated while the three injured – the victim’s aunt Shova Karki, Khadka and another local Gajendra Basnet – must be given the best medical treatment possible. Most importantly, our authorities must regulate the possession of arms and ammunition. This problem has become especially pertinent in the Tarai belt in the past couple of years. The government must act now to ensure that the public can move around and live without fear of losing their and their loved ones’ precious lives. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14356 I must have rambled for about an hour from cage to cage within the high walls of the Central Zoo at Jawalakhel, Kathmandu. The tiger, wild buffaloes and water rhinos were kept apart. I was walking straight in a hypnotic trance and tolerating the cages. Apparently, the animals were tolerating my presence as well. I would be utterly bored if I were not to come across a view, amidst other birds and animals, of two human statues juxtaposed in that manmade animal kingdom. One is that of sister-in-law of Maharaja Juddha Shamser. Robed in a precious sari, in standing posture, this beautiful figure of the lady has been tested by time itself. Below her statue it is written in fine devanagari shreetin judhhashamserko bhauju (it is hard to know which bhauju she is for Juddha had nine elder brothers). About a hundred yards away to the left is another statue yet again of a lady. It is that of Juddha Shamser’s mother. It appeared to me that these statues offered windows to the life and times of Juddha Shamser. Established in 1932, during the auspicious celebrations of the festival of Lord Machchhindranath, as a personal collection of wild animals and birds, the zoo is a telling indicator of Juddha’s animalistic bent of personality. Juddha became a maharaja in 1932 at the age of 57—had he been made one at a younger age, perhaps the nation would have seen more of his cruelty. It is easy to understand why he made the zoo. He was fond of hunting. He was a born shikari. He went to the forest like an ardent lover, his soul aflame with passion, to seize the object of his desire. He concentrated his full attention upon his prey, freely and fearlessly, and pursued it with undaunted vigor sometimes in complete defiance of death. He would go into territories raging with tigers, cool and calm, and ready for all eventualities. His knowledge of wild animals of the jungle was immense and his shikari skills most impressive. He killed a large number of beasts of blood. Perhaps in killing and caging wild beasts, he felt like an emperor even of the animal world. His love for killing animals can be further understood by the fact that when the whole of Kathmandu was devastated by the great earthquake of Jan 15, 1934, Juddha was hunting animals somewhere in the Tarai. He knew of the tragedy only three days later. Juddha’s cruelty towards animals could be downplayed had he been a tolerant to the anti-Rana agitators of his time. However, he established himself as the biggest oppressor of the Rana maharajas. He sent to prison all the members of Arya Samaj and the Mahabir School (both organizations lobbied for freedom from Rana oligarchy). And when anti-Rana revolution escalated in 1941, he mercilessly put to death other members of the Prajaparishad including Shukra Raj, Gangalal, Dharma Bhakta and Dashrath Chand. They were suspected of plotting his assassination. These ghastly acts have always defamed his image and always will. Also, these cruelties have eclipsed the secret humane sides of his life. I was moved to see statues of Juddha’s muma and bhauju among the animals. They are not likely to atone for Juddha’s sin. They deserve to be placed somewhere else. It is not that he only had cannibalistic instincts and animalistic lusts. He was also capable of mercy and tears. Having heard of the earthquake tragedy, when he arrived in Kathmandu from Tarai, he apparently had been greatly grief-stricken. With tears in his eyes and his voice choked with grief, he addressed a large gathering of people in the parade ground. The speech he gave that day was laden with religious superstition. He announced that he was going to dedicate the merit he might have acquired by giving away 1,000 cows in charity on the bank of the Mahakali River to those who had died in the earthquake. He provided relief fund to the victims in million including loans. On a later date, through a public announcement, he canceled all debts and those who had partly repaid the loan also got a refund. After retiring voluntarily, he felt guilty for having put so many dissidents to death and for having killed many people belonging to the bahun caste. So, again, as a penance he donated 1000 cows. Cows seem to bear special importance in Juddha’s life. Every time some misfortune happened to him or to the nation, or some guilty feelings overpowered him he felt it necessary to dis/respect god by godan ie cow donation. This proves that he was unfair in his love for animals. While he respected cows and donated them in god’s name, he derived pleasure by caging and killing others. Besides, he distributed gold worth his weight to the poor. Towards the end of his rule, he felt burdened by the sin and tried to offer expiation to god. In Nov 29, 1945 in his resignation speech, Juddha said “Oh, God! I now repent of all that I have done. I dedicate myself from today wholeheartedly to thy feet. Take me, who am ignorant, under thy shelter by showing up to me the right path.” By quoting a Vedic slok he appealed “From the nonexistent lead me unto the existent. From darkness lead me unto light, from death lead me into immortality.” (Rana Nepal Parmode Shumser Rana 151). Little do we know about his fear of god and anxiety for life hereafter. Juddha has been judged by history as an anti-people maharaja and will be so by generations to come despite the reform and development works he initiated. As for my last visit to the zoo, which was also the first, I was not much impressed by the sight of those caged animals. I and other visitors, too, I believe, felt miserable. I was being watched by animals just as I watched them through the bars. Perhaps, they were enjoying viewing us miserable humans or deriding our ignorance. And while I saw myself as a critic of Juddha’s cruelty, I was also moved to see statues of Juddha’s muma and bhauju among the animals. They are not likely to atone for Juddha’s sin. They deserve to be placed somewhere else. mbpoudyal@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14355 After my last column, I was asked: “What relevance could comparing Native Americans to those of us living in Nepal possibly have to do with us in the here and now?” This reader also thought it condescending to make the comparison, even though he praised me for honoring village life. Okay, granted, a comparison of the long gone Mohicans probably has little relevance as we prepare ourselves for the Brave New Way of Nepali Life. However, a little bit of historical flashbacking may come in handy, in light of the recent openings of Kentucky Fried Chicken and Pizza Hut in the middle of Durbar Marg. For those that say progress is inevitable and destined to improve Nepali culture, we need to take note: KFC was sued in 2006 for their practice of using chemically-altered, trans fats-laden oil that reportedly killed about 50,000 Americans last year. It is also reported that a KFC 3-piece Extra Crispy combo meal contains 15 grams of trans fats, which is more trans fats than an individual should reportedly consume in a week. They say that trans fats eventually gives you a heart attack, and in younger folks, will linger in intestines for ages and cause systematic bouts of uncontrollable diarrhea. In my tiring work editing documents for valley NGOs, I have been led (hundreds of times) to the startling statistic that 45,000 Nepali children die each year from chronic diarrhea, and not one of them has yet to taste Colonel Sander’s Secret Recipe. This alarms me, as I do not look forward to editing future statistical data that shows an increase of obesity and poorer health in Nepali children – caused by bad food – as shown in the 2006 report released from TPR Research. In this three-year study, the risks of eating fast food are quantified down to the precise fast-food meal and your chances of having an explosive diarrheic incident (EDI) with a not-so-happy McDonald’s meal. In the case of the 3-piece Extra Crispy Combo, your chances are roughly 1-in-10 that your butt will explode shortly after consumption. Pizza Hut was not cited in the report, so one can assume that kids eating a half-pound of dough and cheese are safe. Or are they? This rant is not to pound away on people standing in line at KFC & Pizza Hut. This is more about the relevance of ancient wisdom in today’s seemingly clueless culture. Dentists have long since advised parents that sticky carbohydrates and sugary soft drinks are a recipe for an oral health disaster. And I have long admired the oral hygiene of the Nepali people (and abhorred my own), where on occasion I have been inspired to brush my own teeth after seeing a Nepali publicly brushing in the morning, without any running water or even a tap. The smile of school kids on the Nepali roadside are always bright and sparkly, and are surely a result of this unabashed practice. So will Pizza Hut help or hurt here? Look, I am no health freak. Far from it: I started smoking upon arriving in Nepal and I look more like a Trans Fatty then a Mr Dharan, so the point of this rant is not to pound away on all the people standing in line at KFC & Pizza Hut. Instead, this is more about the relevance of ancient wisdom in today’s seemingly clueless culture. I imagine that ancient tribes from one side of the valley did not intentionally pick up the bad habits of others living on the opposite side, unless there was good reason. Quantities of food and best practices might not have been abundant, but the value of such was well known by the villagers of yore. For example, I can visualize the ancient Mohicans figuring out that instead of discarding old bones, that one could fashion a sturdy knife handle that could effectively cut the heads from invading white men. In contrast, I can’t imagine that same tribe taking on the Old English habit of eating poison. But every culture has its inherent wisdoms and follies that are usually modified as that culture is marauded by another. Now, we have the marauding of the Nepali Aama & Baba Momo shop by Western fast-food franchises. This constant plundering of the old by the new wave is what most of us call progress. In an ironic KFC opening statement by Randy Berry, the US Embassy Chargé d´affaires, he inferred that these fast food franchises were “expressways to the Nepali people’s heart.” Well, if one were to take the numerous US health studies on such brands at face value, one might conclude that these outlets may be expressways to Nepali heart attacks instead. And in addition to more trans fats heart attacks, can we now expect duller smiles on the little tykes as they suckle liters of Pepsi with every pizza pie? My wife (Nepali) does not want me writing anything that may piss off the Nepalis who are enjoying new things for the very first time, like an American-style Chicken Hawaiian Pizza Supreme. And if this article does that, I am sorry. Really. She also reminded me that this is a small town, and I may have to do business with my peers, such as the folks from Yum Brands India. So to all those in the franchise business: My condolences. This is not an attack on you, or on your franchise. This is just a shout for some sanity in a crazy world, where the wisdom of our forefathers is being replaced by the whims of our children wherever we go, and with whatever we eat. I can still remember the day when my dad packed us all up in the family car on a warm Saturday afternoon. We drove 50 kilometers through autumn-leafed hills to be one of the first in our village to pass through the Golden Arches of McDonalds. For a 9-year-old chomping down on salty fried potatoes in a paper bag, and sipping a large sweet soft drink with a giant fiberglass clown in the background, it felt like heaven. For my dad, it was the drive away from the house, and away from his job, that he enjoyed. His only comment on the burgers and fries was that it tasted like cardboard. He had the wisdom, but not the will, to stop us from eating and doing whatever we pleased. Which brings this column on relevance and fast food full circle. Isn’t the wisdom of elders useless unless meted with the will of the young? Young entrepreneurs are doing their best to bring new products and services into Nepal. Elders may protest, but as they say in America, you can’t fight City Hall. Progress needs a burgeoning middle class. The middle class needs new products to burgeon. The beast cannot grow unless newer bits of chicken are fried and if trans fats are tastier then pure healthy sunflower oil, so be it. Who are we to stand in the way of progress, or to suppress the will of the young? In other words, are we (those over 40, who have already had their fill of pizza and can now honestly be called a Trans Fatty) even relevant in the New Nepal? You tell me. (Writer is quirky-kinda expat happily living in the Kathmandu valley with Nepali family, friends, and a very large dog.) herojig@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14354 The devastating earthquake in Western hemisphere’s poorest nation Haiti set off a resounding ring of alarm in my head—how unprepared and ill-equipped we are to face such a calamity. Of course, each major earthquake like the ones in Japan (Kobe in 1995), India (Bhuj, Gujarat in 2001) and China (Sichuan in 2007) come as a grim reminder—when the “Big One” strikes Nepal an unimaginable tragedy will follow. Haiti and Nepal are quite similar in some aspects. Just like we are proud of our past, the Haitians too consider their history no less glorious—with the natives defeating the French colonial master and declaring independence in 1804, the first one to do so in Latin America. However, Haiti remained poor. Thanks to the extractive nature of its former colonial master followed by series of tin pot dictators. The grinding poverty of Haiti can be gauged from the fact that when food prices rose, the Haiti’s poorest could no longer afford even one square meal of rice. They took the desperate measure of the traditional Haitian remedy for hunger pangs: Biscuits made of dried yellow dirt from the country’s mountains, butter, salt and water. Although Nepal has not faced an equally devastating situation, both countries are very close to each other in the UN Human Development Index (HDI)— Nepal ranks at 144 and Haiti at 149. The other similarity is that, like Haiti, Nepal is situated at an active seismic zone. The Himalayas are the result of continuing collision between India and Eurasia driven by tectonic plate movement that started more than 60 million years ago—prior to this there used to be an open sea, Tethys Sea, and India was almost where Antarctica is today. Then, India started to move north and finally around 60 million years ago it collided with Eurasia and then over the course of these intervening millions of years the mighty Himalayas were created. India began to slip ever so slowly underneath Eurasia and the process continues to this day. Several scientific studies have already shown that conditions are ripe for a mega earthquake to strike Nepal such as the one that struck eastern Nepal in 1934. Western Nepal appears to be especially vulnerable to it. In the past 100 years of ongoing collision of India into Eurasia has resulted in three major earthquakes along the Himalayan front. From east to west, the sequence includes the 1950 Assam earthquake (8.4 Magnitude), the 1934 eastern Nepal earthquake (8.1 Magnitude) and the 1905 Kangara earthquake (7.7 Magnitude). Plate motion models and GPS measurements from CIRES and the University of Colorado, Boulder, USA (Nature, March, 1997, Volume 386; Nature, September, 2006, Volume, 4) indicate that the India-Eurasia convergence continues today at a rate of 40-50 mm/yr. Due to the force of this movement, rocks tens of kilometers beneath the earth’s surface eventually begin to strain or bend. As convergence continues, the strain increases to the point of breaking or fracturing the rocks, unleashing a tremendous energy from that spot which travels at the speed of several kilometers per second. Within seconds, rocks get displaced suddenly and then they snap into a new position. This released energy travels in the form of vibrations called seismic waves that then causes the earth’s surface to vibrate and, thus, cause damage to life and property. In Nepal, great earthquakes have occurred infrequently. The recurrence of the great earthquakes is determined by the rate of slip of India beneath Eurasia. Several scientific studies have already shown that conditions are ripe for a mega earthquake to strike Nepal such as the one that struck eastern Nepal in 1934 (8.1 Magnitude). Western Nepal appears to be especially vulnerable to it. In contrast, chances of a mega earthquake to strike eastern Nepal are lower according to studies. Western Nepal has not experienced a major earthquake for 500 years. Earthquakes in 1803 (Uttarkashi) and 1834 (Nepal) have been assigned maximum magnitude of 7.7 and there is no evidence that any other huge earthquake occurred beneath the Kumaon Himalayas or in western Nepal in the past 500 years. Only very long ago, in 1505 there was a huge earthquake and the CIRES and the University of Colorado, Boulder research shows that the strain in the rocks built up over the last 500 years is now sufficient to trigger a mega earthquake. The effect of the ‘Big One’, of course, would be devastating because Nepal is not too different from Haiti. We have extreme poverty, political instability and no rule of law, which from the earthquake point of view can easily translate into total chaos. Take the glaring example of Kathmandu valley. Knowing where to build and how to build our buildings can help reduce injury, loss of life, and property damage during an earthquake. Also, knowing what to do when an earthquake strikes can help prevent injuries and deaths. Do we ever follow rules and know what to do when an earthquake strikes given the fact that all scientific research suggests optimum conditions for a major earthquake especially in western Nepal? Protecting the typical buildings in Kathmandu valley from earthquakes includes techniques such as bolting buildings to their foundations and providing support walls. Alternately, during construction phase, installation of shock absorbers between the building and its foundation can enable the absorption of some of the sideways motion that would otherwise damage a building during a powerful earthquake. It is ridiculous that high-rise buildings that need to apply special construction techniques to make them earthquake-resistant have started cropping up in Kathmandu. Tall buildings must be anchored deeply and securely into the ground. In earthquake prone regions such as Nepal, a reinforced framework with stronger joints is absolutely necessary to prevent its collapse during a mega earthquake. To make homes, schools, and workplaces earthquake-resistant, people should have their heavy furniture fastened down to the floor to prevent them from toppling when the building shakes. According to NASA, water lines must be specially reinforced with flexible joints to prevent breaking. I am quite sure that our high-rise buildings have not followed these precautions as doing so can be costly. Thus, the only solution is that the common folks must learn how to protect themselves during an earthquake. People can protect themselves by standing under a doorframe or crouching under a table or chair until the shaking stops. They should not go outdoors until the shaking has stopped completely. Even then, people should use extreme caution. A large earthquake may be followed by many smaller tremors, called aftershocks. People should stay clear of walls, windows, and damaged structures, which could crash in an aftershock. People who are outdoors when an earthquake occurs should quickly move away from tall trees, steep slopes, buildings, and electricity lines. If they are near a large body of water, they should move to higher ground. The potential for a mega earthquakes is very high in western Nepal and may God protect us all if and when it does happen because the country is ill-prepared and ill-equipped to face it and the chaos that will follow. avantikaregmi@aol.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14289 Defense Minister Bidya Devi Bhandari seems to be quite determined not to miss any opportunity to prove the world that her loyalties are rather misplaced. Instead of sharing the responsibility of taking the peace process to a logical conclusion by adhering to past understandings reached between the Maoists and other parties, the minister seems to be driven by a single-point agenda of maintaining the stand of hard-line elements within the Nepal Army (NA). Here’s her latest salvo: NA will defy the decision of the Special Committee (headed by the prime minister from her own party) if it recommends bulk integration of Maoist combatants in NA. This is a damaging statement, to say the least. It is a completely different matter altogether as to whether or not Maoist combatants should be integrated into NA en masse. However, the fact that the minister is saying that NA will even go to the extent of defying the decisions of the Special Committee does not augur well for the peace process and democracy. And this is not the first time that Minister Bhandari has come up with such a provocative statement. Hence, it is time PM Madhav Kumar Nepal told her to shape up or ship out. Period! Minister Bhandari also seems to like frequently reminding everyone that nowhere in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) has it been mentioned that Maoist combatants would be integrated into NA. True, the CPA nowhere specifically talks of integrating the combatants into NA. But it talks of integrating the combatants into the security forces and that also includes the NA. The minister made another wayward claim that the Special Committee is not mandated to work for the integration of the Maoist combatants. To this, we can only ask her to go and read Article 4.4 of the CPA, which states that “the interim cabinet shall form a special committee to carry out monitoring, integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants.” Finally, her argument that there is no representation of stakeholders (read her ministry and army) in the Special Committee too does not hold much water. The army is headed by a civilian government and we have representatives from the government in the Committee and that should suffice. We urge PM Nepal to clear the air of mistrust, which has built up following her statements, as soon as possible and rein in the errant minister. It is time he took strong action against her for not toeing the official line and, most importantly, putting the peace process in jeopardy. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14288 The peace process and constitution-writing are the two most important issues before the Nepali populace today. The people expect that the new constitution will provide a focus for unity and advancement, that it will usher an inclusive democracy where the ills of discrimination and marginalization are ended. My party sees the writing of this new constitution as a continuation of the social democratic advance we started back in the 1940s when we single-handedly fought the Rana regime in the first democratic awakening. In order to usher the new democratic constitution, we feel it is vital that the peace process be concluded successfully. This has to happen according to past agreements, most importantly Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), and it is now urgent that the Maoist cantonments be disbanded according to the understanding contained therein. Indeed, there is need for a deliberate sequencing exercise if the Nepali people are to get a democratic constitution which will take them into the future. The Maoist party cannot be considered democratic when it retains an armed force of its own, even if sequestered in cantonments, which strikes fear among a populace which has seen too much of war. Make no mistake; the ongoing peace process in Nepal is a unique and successful exercise. It is something to be proud of, as an original exercise designed and implemented by the Nepali polity, which stopped the killings and brought the rebel force from the jungle to government through an election within a span of two years. All that we need to do now is to take the peace process to what is called its “logical conclusion”. Given that the decade of conflict in Nepal was brutal and took the lives of more than 16,000 citizens, the society has been allowed to heal ever since the guns went silent on the part of the rebels and the state. Of course, there is a great deal of political noise that comes out of Nepal today, but you would be mistaken to believe that things are worse now than before. Most importantly, people are not dying by the dozens every month due to political violence, as used to be the case. There is no doubt that the Maoists agreed to enter the peaceful and democratic polity by abandoning their ‘people’s war’ and deciding to come to open politics. However, while every political party shares some of the blame for the continuing political instability in my country, it is the Maoist leadership that speaks and acts in a manner that arouses the deepest fears in the people. While the other political parties including my own have stayed by the letter and spirit of all the agreements of the past, the Maoists have been shifting goalposts, speaking threateningly about a protracted people’s war, utilizing violence in the districts, making a habit of extortion countrywide, threatening the press, and creating conditions for impunity which other groups have been quick to incorporate. The Maoists in spite of their repeated commitments have not returned the public and private properties captured during the conflict. Internally displaced people are not being able to return to their house. They are having a really hard and tough time. It is primarily the activities of the Maoists, in the form of closure of parliament for half a year and strikes that last days on end, that have kept the economy from rebounding as it should have. It is primarily because of the Maoists that the urgent task of reconstruction and rehabilitation has not happened. It is primarily because of the Maoists that the cantonments have not been disbanded, as they should have been six months after the signature of the CPA. There is a great deal of political noise that comes out of Nepal today, but you would be mistaken to believe that things are worse now than before. Most importantly, people are not dying by the dozens every month due to political violence. And yet, for all the tension and fear-mongering, we are still in talks with the Maoists. Having suffered the direct and indirect consequences of the armed conflict, the people of my country have no doubt that what we need is absolute peace, which will provide political stability and economic growth. Our civilization and our democracy requires the Maoists to convert to a full-fledged democratic political party without its own private armed force, without its militaristic youth wing, a party that does not extort with abandon, and which stops exciting its cadre with talk of ‘people’s republic’ and ‘protracted people’s war’. We are convinced in Nepal that the challenge of change must be addressed through peaceful and democratic means, not through violence. We seek to live in a society where the right of the individual is sacrosanct and not subordinated to authoritarianism of one form of the other. We have been continuously engaged with the Maoists since the signing the 12-Point Understanding and the numerous agreements since in the belief that they had genuinely agreed to give up violence as an instrument of political change. We continued to overlook some of their behavior during and after the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, hoping that their desire for transition to peaceful and democratic politics was real. But even as we continue to work with the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) as the political party with the largest number of seats in the CA, the international community must be alerted to the continuous bad faith that has been exhibited. There is an attempt by the Maoist leadership to underestimate the patience and forbearance of the Nepali public both in the public speeches they give and the private exhortations they make to their followers. There is loose talk of violence and death, state capture through revolt, and the unending fight for a people’s republic. Let me now speak briefly about the road ahead. Our commitment to a more inclusive democracy and a restructured state makes us steadfastly behind the politics of consensus. This belief drives us to continue to seek a meeting of minds with the other political parties, including the UCPN (Maoist). It is for this reason that after a lot of homework we have recently established the High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) under the leadership of our party president, Girija Prasad Koirala, with the Maoist chairman and president of the CPN (UML) as members. Gradually, other leaders of the main political parties in the CA will also be invited to join this mechanism, which will focus on taking the current peace process to a meaningful conclusion and drafting and promulgation of the new constitution on time. The Nepali Congress remains active in the Special Committee responsible for the supervision, integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist ex-combatants now in seven main cantonments and 21 satellite camps monitored by the United Nations. We are also of the view that the work in the Special Committee and its subsidiary Technical Committee should be expedited so that the weapons stored in the containers can be destroyed, and the camps can be closed after resolving the issue of the combatants. Once this is done, the job of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) will be over. It is vital that all these tasks be completed before the new constitution is promulgated. For taking the current peace process to its meaningful conclusion and for safeguarding the future of democracy in Nepal, I would propose the following agenda for all political parties and leaders in Nepal to follow and for Nepal’s friends and well wishers everywhere to support: Absolute commitment to end of violence as a tool of politics, through public declaration; resolution of the problem of the Maoist ex-combatants as soon as possible, destruction of the weapons, closing of the cantonments, and terminating the mandate of UNMIN; relief to the victims, rehabilitation to the internally-displaced people and return of the captured properties; agreement on key principles of the new constitution, preparing and promulgating it on time; the government to focus itself on supporting the CA, good governance, maintenance of law and order, ending impunity, providing relief to the most needy, conducting free and fair elections under the new constitution, and handing over power to the elected government, thus shortening the uncertainty of transition; the political players in Nepal to conduct their affairs within the bounds of the Nepali polity, and not to misuse external relations and security policy as tools for individual or group-based opportunism; and higher economic growth and alleviation of poverty at the center of all activities in Nepal. Amidst the challenges of the moment, we should not forget the advance we have made in just the last two years. The CA has declared Nepal a republic even as the inheritor of Nepal’s long-running monarchy evacuated the royal palace peacefully after holding a press conference. A citizen’s son has become the president, and the rebel leader became prime minister just a couple of years out of the jungle. The politics of consensus has indeed produced some miracles. Alas, as we speak there is growing polarization in the body politic and the Nepali public is justifiably worried about the immediate future. The Maoist leadership, in particular, has been irresponsible in stoking the fire of identity-related politics amidst our multi-cultural society. For the sake of their own advancement, the Maoists seem to see nothing amiss in promoting the divisive politics of identity. This strategy of building one’s base on the foundation of inter-community conflict flies in the face of what we need today in Nepal – peace, cooperation and cohesion. “Power at any price, for any purpose” is turning consensus to confrontation. The soul of the peace process is getting battered. These are challenging time for Nepal, and for the reasons given above, friends and well wishers everywhere are right to worry. And yet, as I have said earlier, even amidst the harsh rhetoric and ground-level violence, we continue to engage in dialogue. I can assure you that the Nepali Congress will never let the core values of open society, parliamentary politics, human rights and accountability be compromised. We believe that the peace process will succeed, and that the present turbulence is the result of a political party with a violent past attempting to seek a footing in open politics. And yet, the change of heart will not come from appeasement and agreeing to a less-than-democratic polity in the bargain for peace. My party is convinced that full peace and complete democracy is possible in the country, because this is the demand of a democratic movement and people. And I believe we can take all the political parties of Nepal, including the former rebels, in this journey towards prosperity in peace and democracy. (Excerpts of the speech delivered by Nepali Congress Vice President Ram Chandra Poudel at Chatham House, London, on Jan 11) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14287 The task of dealing with a far bigger, mightier, territorially encircling, economically dominant and politico-strategically pushy neighbor has taken a heavy toll on our leaders; selfish, divisive, under-confident and poorly educated as they are, the burden is just too encumbering. The pressure sometimes explodes in the form of impulsive anti-India outbursts in public followed immediately by fence mending in private which could be anything from apologies to total surrender to Indians. This is a familiar cycle of most Nepali communists, Maoists being no exception. Recently, the Maoists have escalated their now-on-then-off anti-India protests. This time they have taken their marches from the streets to locations in Nepal-India borders, where there are territorial disputes or encroachments or civil constructions (from the Indian side) that adversely affect Nepal’s interests. UCPN (Maoist) know that antagonizing India will cost them dearly. That is why they have always pleased India, whether in government or as rebels. Why, therefore, are they inviting the wrath now? Well, there is not one definitive answer to this. There are multiples of possible reasons and mixes of plausible theories, all valid in parts. One reason is that they needed to change the slogan of their ever stretching protests as ‘civilian supremacy’, their catchword for the last six months, couldn’t make headway. And what could be a catchier slogan than ‘national independence’ directed against the overbearing southern neighbor to replace/supersede ‘civilian supremacy’? Maoists are extremely unhappy with the Indians, particularly since they chose to resign from power. They blame the pressure from India as a reason to resign some nine months before. The Indian establishment which once supported and lobbied for Maoists’ accession to power later became furious with the Maoists, alleging that the latter tried to play China against India. So, one theory is that the Maoists’ agitation is a bargaining tool to acquire Indian support to return to power. However, also because of their own misadventures in military affairs and over-assertiveness over other political forces Maoists were isolated in the domestic front as well. The recent anti-India protests also serves as a tool to keep their hard-line cadres busy in a job of their delight; cadres, who otherwise may create numerous problems. It also serves the purpose of defaming, weakening and baiting of leader like Babu Ram Bhattarai, accused to be close to Indians by his opponent Mohan Baidya and contender Pushpa Kamal Dahal within the party. Maoists are extremely unhappy with the Indians, particularly since they chose to resign from power. They blame the pressure from India as a reason to resign some nine months before. Another theory is that the Maoists are trying to woo the general public including all anti-Indian elements within Nepal, on the assumptions that Nepali people are historically anti-Indian. However, this notion is outdated now. It is not the people of Nepal but the leaders that suffer from the inferiority complex arising from living/dealing with a bigger and powerful neighbor. Often the proponents of ‘Nepalis are pathologically anti-Indian’ theory cite certain examples to establish their claim; the Hritik Roshan incident being the top among them. However, the violent rampage back in 2001 that went on uncontrolled for nearly one whole week in the streets of Kathmandu in retaliation to the Indian film star’s insulting remarks against Nepali people (later found to be false), was a carefully orchestrated act of sabotage of the then underground Maoists.It was neither a reflection of popular will nor a movement of spontaneity. Similarly, the public reacted coolly when the then Panchayati rulers tried to flare up anti-India sentiments following the trade and transit embargo by India on two occasions (1972 and 1989). Ever since, much water has flown in Koshi; the level of political consciousness of Nepali people during the last two decades has risen to new heights. Besides, feeling towards India is not homogeneous in all parts of the country (Kathmandu Valley, Tarai, Hills and Himalayan belt) and among all the communities (Madhesis, Khas, Janajatis, ex-Indian army et al). Therefore, playing anti-India in the cover of nationalism to serve one’s political interests will hardly draw a broad-based support, a fact evident from the poor turnout of the masses in Maoists’ anti-Indian marches. Also, people don’t have much faith in Maoists’ anti-Indian exploits. Because of the Maoists’ track record they know that their recent policy shifts are cyclical and seasonal and that they will disappear the day Maoists assume power. That 8 out of 10 years the Maoists launched their bloody insurgency, India provided them safe haven is secret to nobody now. A timeless maxim of international diplomacy says, defending national interests while dealing with foreign powers demands national consensus, not partisanship. Had the Maoists not been isolated in the domestic front, they wouldn’t have to hear the warning tone of the Indian foreign minister for their anti-Indian agitations during the latter’s Kathmandu visit the other day. jeevan1952@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14250 The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) is often thronged by people seeking financial assistance for a variety of reasons. On Monday, Parek Bahadur Mahatara, a paralyzed man from Kalikot district, stayed put in front of the PMO Secretary Dhruba Sharma’s office right through the day refusing to leave until some kind of financial help was provided to him. Such situations often put the officials at the PMO in a quandary. However, it is not for nothing that common people dream of getting help from the PMO. Our prime ministers (PMs), incumbent as well as former, are themselves responsible for making people believe that it is possible to get monetary help from them. In the past, they have too often recklessly doled out funds from the state coffers to people, primarily their kith and kin and party cadres, generating such hope among the people. The incumbent PM Madhav Kumar Nepal spent the annual fund of Rs 3 million provided to him within three months after he assumed office in May. By now, he has already spent over Rs 35 million and has again sought an additional 2.5 million. According to a report readied by the PMO, former PM Pushpa Kamal Dahal tops the list of PM’s ‘misusing’ state funds. Dahal spent a whopping 60 million during his nine-month tenure. While it might not be unethical for an executive head of a government to give away funds to those in dire need, it is mandatory to ensure that the entire process is transparent and that every penny spent by them, which comes from taxes paid by the citizens, is made public. However, so far that has hardly happened. According to reports, as mentioned above, the money has mostly gone to family members and party cadres. Following Nepal’s demand to release more funds after he spent 3 million in the first three months of his tenure, the Financial Assistance Directive was amended, which revoked the PM of the privilege of distributing financial assistance through his/her direct recommendation. However, the directive is still under review. We urge the government to bring the directive, which authorizes the Ministry of Home Affairs to distribute financial assistance to those recommended by the PM only after assessing the seeker’s status, living standard and genuine need, into effect as soon as possible. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14249 As a result of the ongoing economic downturn, we may not see an expansion in global economic activities. However, we should be thankful that the world economy, for now, has at least been spared from speculative damages. But in Nepal, all three villains namely recession, inflation, and depression are still going strong and hurting macroeconomic fundamentals. These three factors continue to injure Nepal’s economy. The following paragraphs attempt to justify my statement. If recession is taken as a business cycle contraction because of reduced economic activities, this also indicates a period where there is a reduction in a country’s GDP for at least two quarters. Nepal has experienced contraction, the first symptom of recession, whereby the country has even exceeded several quarters of sustained recession. Going by the statistical information received from the Ministry of Agriculture and Co-operatives (MoAC), we can see a weak performance in the production of major cereal grains that induced a decrease in GDP. We can see, in the second quarter of FY 2009/10, there has been a decline in paddy and maize production by around 11 percent and 4 percent respectively as compared to FY 2008/09. These two products together assume 10 (paddy 7.5) percent share in GDP and about 27.5 (paddy 20.75) percent share in agricultural output. Therefore, as major crops exhibited relatively lower yield, there is not much hope to meet the growth target of 5.5 percent in the year 2009/2010. The logical estimate for growth would be around 4.2 percent. This should explain that Nepal is still under recessionary pressure and therefore has been victimized by the first villain—recession. The second villain is inflation. Considering the trend and impact of inflation, it is found that the annual average consumer inflation increased to 13.2 percent in 2008/09 compared to an increase of 7.7 percent in 2007/08. The annual average price rise of food and beverages group was 16.7 percent. The year-on-year (y-o-y) consumer price inflation rose to 11.4 percent in mid-July 2009 from 12.1 percent in the previous year. Although less, in comparison to the level of mid-July 2009, the y-o-y inflation as measured by the consumer price index remained at 9.9 percent in mid-November, 2009. The news remains bad with regards to the price related to sugar and related products during 2008/09. During the first four months of FY 2009/10, price indices of sugar and sugar-related products increased by the highest rate of 50.6 percent compared to an increase of 37.6 percent in the same period the previous year. Thirdly, with regards to depression, which can be defined as a situation with high unemployment rate and loss of trade, the scenario is again weird. Let us consider the labor market policies that refer to measures that target individuals or households to ensure a minimum standard of living. Labor policies have been more frequently pronounced in recent years in the expectation that it safeguards the laborers from unforeseen eventuality. The ultimate goal of the government should be to make economic growth compatible to workers’ advantages. In this regard, investment is the key element, which helps in increasing demand by creating jobs. This is what is not happening at all since no employment opportunities are being created. The labor market is still unable to address the job demands of vulnerable groups of people including youths, displaced households and freed but unemployed bonded laborers. Macroeconomic difficulties are certain to give birth to livelihood shocks at the household level unless the short-, medium- and long-term policies are prepared based on professionally-acceptable economic forecasting. It is projected that the demographic transition currently underway in the region will result in population increasing by 31 percent between 2000 and 2020, compared to about 60 percent in the preceding 20 years. Given the failure in formulating policies for absorbing additional workforce, the problem of social inclusion will accelerate. At present, a number of policies are in operation, including enhancement of employment opportunities through the expansion of economic and social development activities, promotion of labor-intensive businesses for increasing access of the poor to employment opportunities, implementation of income generation and employment programs targeting the backward class and geographical regions, increasing professional efficiency and ensuring basic rights of laborers in a balanced way, and maximizing foreign employment opportunities by producing skilled human resources. Information as to how many jobs were created as a result of implementation of these policies during the plan period is, however, not yet available. By definition, depression is also a loss of trade. From this perspective, the third enemy seems to becoming more influential in hurting Nepal’s external sector. In 2008/09, as against 13.5 percent rise in exports, imports soared by 28.2 percent in comparison to an increase of 14 percent in the previous year. It is sad that this sector has exhibited a dismal picture in the first four months of FY 2009/10. Exports declined by 23.7 percent against the upsurge of 38.1 percent in the corresponding period of the previous year. Exports to India alone fell by 19.1 percent but imports rose by 28.9 percent compared to its growth of 23.7 percent last year during the review period. An upsurge in the import of vehicles, electrical equipment, machineries, medical equipment, aircraft and communication equipment, their spare parts and tools, etc. were responsible for the rise in total imports. The continuing deterioration in external sector justifies Nepal wrestling with depression. No doubt, there is persistent poverty (households remain in poverty over time due to their low asset base) and chronic poverty (households fall in poverty due to their inability to protect themselves from shocks), which demands both the promotional role of the state to reduce poverty by enhancing the assets base of the households and protective role that prevents vulnerable households from adverse shocks. Even though South Asia is found to have given too much emphasis on macroeconomic reforms, the study shows that liberalization efforts in this region failed in bringing about a shift of labor and other resources from low-productivity primary sector to high-productivity manufacturing sector. A modest liberalization can have significant impact on economic performance whereas piecemeal reform in many countries as a result of complex political bargaining has a greater chance of constraining the growth. The aforementioned reasons have created a regime of uncertainty and unpredictability to guarantee acceptable level of consumption, savings and investment. Therefore, Nepal, in recent months, has considered a policy that uses higher interest rates to control the bubble created from real estate business. Similarly, as countries have experienced that substantial hikes in policy rates damage the real economy by affecting growth and employment, Nepal has to wait and see the likely impact of tight monetary policy recently announced by Nepal Rastra Bank. However, the challenge in Nepal is to understand properly if there could be any relationship between monetary policy and asset prices since the inherent contradiction in our policy could be damaging as the government has adopted expansionary fiscal policy. To conclude, the macroeconomic difficulties are certain to give birth to livelihood shocks at the household level unless the short-, medium- (Three Year Plan under preparation) and long-term policies are prepared based on professionally-acceptable economic forecasting. bishwambher@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14248 Karl Marx writes in Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, “The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present”. The five senses thus are not merely biologically based but are constructed socially to view the world as an individual or a group wants to view the world. The division of the sensible, a key idea in the works of French philosopher Jacques Ranciere, means how I do my own business and thus how I see the world as I want to see. Such idea is appropriate to understand how, for instance, Nepali political institution views politics and the public on whom the politics is acted upon. Beginning from constitutional assembly project, Nepal’s relation to its powerful neighbors, federalism, and internal peace, there are politicians’ view points. What is visible to the politicians is what they want to see: what is writing constitution and what is dividing the nation into parts and plots. What the common people feel and understand do not stand any chance in their views. The world you see is what the world is for the politicians not what is visible biologically and physically. Once upon a time in Rome there were political disturbances and people were demanding change. The senators did not pay any heed to the public demand because they heard only noises. The public speeches, demands and petitions were just noises for the politicians. Thus what politics is what the politicians think and say. Ranciere would call it the division of the sensible, that is, the world cut off and then understood as only what the police-power sees. I am using politics as an example though the division of the sensible can be applied in every possible human social sphere. The division of the sensible is mainly about how to divide and then share things out for to suit your own business. Thus for Nepali politicians democracy is not a form, not a totality which can be understood with clarity of definitions and meanings. Democracy is what they understand and is not what common people share what it is. The division of the sensible, a key idea in the works of French philosopher Jacques Ranciere, means how I do my own business and thus how I see the world as I want to see. What then is the consequence of such distribution of the senses? Does it blind the political vision of those who dictate the overall course of the country? They do not see, listen, and feel what other see, listen, and feel. They do not share but share others out from their perspectives. The legend is that the Incas did not see the huge Spanish ships coming to their shores because they had never seen such ships. When the strangers landed on their shores and came close, only then they saw and were alarmed. A large ship was not in their visible vocabulary so they did not see the massive ships in the sea. There are funnier examples of the division of the sensible. Politically motivated (I mean party politics in universities and colleges) do not see classes going on and they inter and start lecturing, drivers do not see pedestrians and pedestrians do not see moving vehicles, the traffic police see only licenses. Old politicians only see democracy as sites of conflict, the Maoists see problems always caused by imperialists, and the ethnic groups see salvation only in federalism. Our mythical rakchasas (demons) saw humans as a mass of delicious flesh like a devotee sees pleasing the gods as sacrificing animals. Once upon a time there was a demon living in a cave of a thick forest. He had never come out of the forest because he just found animals amidst the trees and ate them. One day his aging father sent him to an adventure. “Go to the nearby town and pick up two legged brown and black living things. He walked for hours and came out of the jungle. He walked past the green fields and felt very happy by seeing the plants. Where the stretch of plantation ended, there was a crowded town. He walked ahead and saw buff mud houses like the color of the rocks around his caves. He also saw trees, woods, meat and fruits. He saw everything possible resembling his forest colors. He did not see humans since he had never seen them. He returned to his father and reported. The father thought that another demon more powerful than him must have devoured all the humans of the town. He took his belongings and his family and sneaked away up in the mountain. His son was surprised and thought his father is really old and dying so he one fine afternoon, very hungry he was, ate his father but soon died by food poisoning. There is not a moral of the story though. In Marx’s line of wisdom the demon had not learned the forming of the five senses as a labor of the entire human history. Our politicians are not the visitor like the demon was. They live with us and around us and still do not see what common people share in sense experiences. They are, perhaps, more dangerous than the color blind demon. orungupto@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14247 “The whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace alarmed—and hence clamorous to be led to safety—by menacing it with an endless series of hobgoblins, all of them imaginary.” - HL Mencken When Mencken, the celebrated American essayist, journalist, satirist and acerbic critic of American life and culture, who died in 1956 at the age of 75, wrote the above quote, it seems as if he had a premonition about Nepal’s current politicians. Nepal’s contemporary politics is fast becoming a fairy tale of nightmare. Everyone has a tale to tell. In every tale, the hobgoblin is the country’s southern neighbor that often creates trouble for Nepal. For every trouble in every tale, many of ours index fingers seem to be automatically pointing towards India—as though India is to our north and our index finger is the compass needle. India is our southern neighbor and friend that we can’t live without. However, it is also a neighbor, at times, we love to hate with passion. Such seems to be the image of India, permanently etched in our national psyche—an image of a friendly but troublesome creature, just like the hobgoblins in the Seelie court of popular folktales. Such seems to be our indelible national psyché. It is the Nepali political leaders who mortgage the country’s dignity and run to New Delhi whenever the going gets tough. Our fairytale political ‘leaders’ from every political Seelie courts i.e. political parties of every stripe and color have done everything possible to create this national psyché. The purpose is simple. It is to keep the populace alarmed about a perceived threat from India and to keep it in unreasonable fear for being shielded from the mostly imaginary threat. say imaginary, not because there is no threat at all, but because the significance of internal threat that ignites within Nepal is potentially more lethal for Nepal’s integrity than of external threat from India. It is the Nepali political leaders who mortgage the country’s dignity and run to New Delhi whenever the going gets tough for them. Seemingly, dignified leadership has become all but a big farce. There is no leadership to speak of. There is a vacuum of leadership. Why else are the politicians treating the Constituent Assembly (CA), which we had to wait for nearly 60 long years to get after it was first promised by King Tribhuvan, as though it were merely a regular legislature? It is too bad that the political leaders were too shortsighted to saddle the CA with the twin burden of governing and re-writing a new constitution, when the CA should have been elected with the sole mandate of writing the constitution, leaving the task of governing the country for a separate, interim political mechanism. It is worse that the politicians and the purveyors of democracy and people’s interest are shackling the feet of the CA and preventing it from moving forward. The lack of political vision, statesmanship, pragmatic strategy, and perpetual ineptness in governing and apathy for common concerns can only be hidden from people’s eyes by baiting common Nepalis on a perceived threat from India. This is the purpose why the inept political leaders who have ruled Nepal throw dust in the eyes of the common citizens by blaming India for Nepal’s every foible. By doing so, they each must share the blame for surrendering country’s dignity and accepting India as their master. And, what do we, the people, do about this? Do we show outrage towards our inept politicians who have hidden agenda? No. We do nothing to make our leaders accountable. Instead, we allow our index fingers automatically point towards India, when we should be pointing them to our own leaders in Nepal. ajayspradhan@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14218 The internationally-recognized face of Indian communism is no more. Jyoti Basu (1914-2010), the charismatic communist leader who almost became India’s first communist prime minister (PM), passed away in Kolkata on Sunday. Basu, a pragmatic communist, was the chief minister of West Bengal for a record 23 years since 1977 and led his party to five consecutive state assembly election victories, rendering the national party, Congress (I) to a poor second position each time. Although he voluntarily stepped down in November 2000 because of poor health, he continued to remain fairly active and was a respected voice of India’s Left. One of the biggest achievements of the trained barrister was to ensure stability and calm in a state that had been ravaged by the Naxalite movement and counter-repressive measures by his predecessor, Chief Minister Siddhartha Shankar Ray of Congress (I). Basu also ensured land reforms, and Panchayati Raj system was successfully implemented in the state, which paid the party rich dividends during parliamentary and state assembly elections. He was also known for his staunch and effective opposition to communal politics. No wonder the state saw a period of calm even as neighboring Bihar and Uttar Pradesh saw frequent clashes between Hindus and Muslims. Nepalis in India, particularly those in Darjeeling and adjoining areas in West Bengal, are divided on his role over their demand for statehood. Some say he quietly killed their plans by luring Subash Ghising to accept autonomy for Darjeeling. There are others who love him for advocating regional autonomy for Darjeeling, his party’s long-standing commitment for the hilly region. Basu was a towering personality. Although he never was the formal chief of the CPI(M), he was quintessentially its most powerful leader and crowd-puller, which reflected in electoral successes. And therein lies the rub. He was the authority in the Writers’ Building, the seat of the government in Kolkata. Yet, it was in the same administrative block that a cocksure, adamant and dogmatic State Coordination Committee, the interfering and lazy employees’ union affiliated with CPI(M), ruled the roost. They ensured that the work culture was a non-existent entity in the government departments as well as in industrial sectors. Basu presided over a state that saw industrial and economic stagnation, politicization of bureaucracy, police and educational institutions. The culture of banda, called by none other than the ruling party itself, became the norm. Investors thus shifted to friendlier Gujarat and Maharashtra. Basu’s void will be hard to fill. He leaves behind him an illustrious career as politician and statesman. Among the dogmatic communist colleagues who constructed the party’s hard-line stance, his was a voice of reason. No less credit goes to Basu for making communists acceptable to a large Indian population. The party owes to this leader a lot. May his soul rest in peace! http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14217 What will happen on May 28, the day by which we are supposed to have written our constitution? One of my American professors, who has worked in the area of peace building in Nepal for the last several years, predicts that there will be a banda (strike) on that day. He might be right. Irrespective of whether constitution will be written or not, banda is likely to be called for not writing the constitution or for writing a ‘bad’ one. There are more ominous predictions as well: President Dr Ram Baran Yadav will dissolve the Constituent Assembly (CA), dismiss the government and announce presidential rule, Maoists will launch a last push for state capture, and the country will be bracing for a civil war. Each and every Nepali should have been eagerly waiting for May 28 since it is the date we are supposed to have the first republican constitution. And it is also the day we expect to wrap up the 240-year-long accursed history, and open up a new chapter for the future. Instead, by now, May 28 has become a dreaded date—no one knows what will happen, but everyone is fearful that things might take a wrong turn. This says as much about our collective capacity as it says about our national character. We are good at turning every available opportunity into a nightmare. But here is my not-so-sensational and perhaps a ‘boring’ prediction for May 28: We will have most likely written our constitution by that time. If not, we will have extended the deadline by another six months or a year. There will be no presidential rule, no Maoist revolt, and no signs of country heading towards a civil strife, let alone a civil war. Instead, things will be normal; they will be, in a mundane sense, as usual. Missing the constitutional deadline alone cannot warrant the president’s intervention in politics. So long as the political parties are ready to play their part, even if they are miles away from reaching a consensus, the president will have no role in politics. Let me begin by explaining why there won’t be presidential rule. President Yadav is no Gyanendra—greedy for power and with an exaggerated sense of historical ‘responsibility’ to fix things in a country unified by his ancestors but gone astray due to gentle submission of his brother to the wishes of his ‘subjects’. Nor is he Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who launched a bloody insurgency and once dreamt of capturing the state and imposing an authoritarian rule. President Yadav is basically a simple man, a committed democrat, who stood firm against monarchical rule and offered fierce resistance against Dahal’s raw ambition, ill-conceived as it often is, to illegitimately establish his man at the army headquarters. The president cannot and should not dissolve the CA or dismiss the government, and impose a presidential rule if there is no constitution on May 28. Doubts have arisen about his intentions also because of a controversial article written by his legal advisor (and published in this newspaper) suggesting that if the constitution is not written by May 28, the CA and the government will lose their legitimacy and the only functional institution on that day will be the presidency. The president’s recent media interviews have also not done him any favor. Less media coverage is always good for the president. There is only one condition on which the president can act unilaterally. If the state institutions have disintegrated and collapsed, if the political parties are still fighting and are stoking anarchy, if the society is headed towards a civil war and if the government can no longer function, it’s only then the presidency should step in. Unless we have gotten into such anarchy, missing the constitutional deadline alone cannot warrant the president’s intervention in politics. So long as the political parties are ready to play their part, even if they are miles away from reaching a consensus, the president will have no role in politics. Based on my past encounters with the president and his past actions, I am reasonably sure that he understands this very well. If the president sought written request from 18 parties to stay the unconstitutional sacking of the then Army Chief Rookmangud Katawal by Dahal, what makes us believe that he would act unilaterally on such a complicated constitutional/political question? To act unilaterally means going against the parties in government, including Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, and against the people and international community. To do so, one must be as foolhardy and as arrogant as Gyanendra, which, President Yadav is not. The president will at least need the recommendation of the government and/or consent of the major parties—including the NC and UML—to impose a presidential rule. Why will the government or the parties give a green signal to the president so long as they are in charge? There is only one condition in which the government is likely to seek the president’s support and that too to impose emergency rule: If the Maoists launch a revolt and create utter chaos in the streets. A million dollar question, then, is: Will the Maoists do so? They are unlikely to. Babauram Bhattarai is completely against it. Comrade Kiran and Co maybe game for it, but Dahal is a shrewd man and understands the limitation of any kind of rabble-rousing. I have a different assessment of Dahal’s strategy and options. Having seen a little chance of getting back to power anytime soon, Dahal instead chose to consolidate his hold in the party. That’s why he abandoned Bhattarai and once again became the leader of Kiran’s camp that has gained significant grounds in the Maoist party recently. By whipping the nationalism fervor, Dahal is actually trying to energize and rally his disillusioned party base and attract the ‘nationalist’ constituency in his party’s fold. He knows for sure that ‘nationalism’ still sells big time in Nepali politics. To sum up, Dahal was actually doing the “party work” (to reassure the frustrated party cadres and expand his party base by attracting more nationalists) while he had free time away from the power corridors of Singha Durbar. What will Maoists do now? Dahal sees the High Level Political Mechanism as a real chance to get back to power. But the Maoists will remain confused for sometime about what should be the party’s future course. How long will that confusion remain is uncertain but what is certain is that they will eventually come to the negotiating table with an aim to strike a deal. The deal could be to conclude the peace process and to write the constitution by May 28 or to seek an extension for another six months. May 28, therefore, still offers hope, not fear. ameetdhakal@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14216 Few people realized that 2010 began with unfavorable news for the Nepali economy. The garment industry, once the highest foreign exchange earner for Nepal, has almost disappeared. In fact, only one firm still exports readymade garments to the US, once the biggest market for this industry. The growing Indian market has been the focus of attention of the few remaining firms that are struggling to survive. The demise of the garment industry demonstrates the failure of our trade promotion and industrial policy. To avoid recurrence of similar event, it is vital that we assess the causes of the downfall of garment industry and learn lessons from our mistakes. An article in Republica accurately reflects the importance of the garment industry: “Through the first 16 years of journey, the industry with over 1,200 active production units in 2000 occupied about 7.2 percent share of the total manufacturing sector, earned one-third of the total export income, witnessed investment climb to Rs 6 billion and directly employed 90,000 people, supporting livelihood of 450,000 persons.” Alas, this glory is now lost. Exports to the US, which previously accounted for more than 80 percent of total garment exports, have been insignificant this year. Less than 10 firms remain in operation. Hundreds of thousands of employees have been laid off. The country has lost a reliable source of revenue. Worse, the failure of this industry has led to the collapse of the whole exports sector. Where and how did it go horribly wrong? The answer lies in an inability to foresee the changes brought about by globalization. Policymakers and garment investors failed to notice the quite obvious signs of change in the international market. They failed to design corrective policies to restructure the outdated domestic garment industry. Instead of addressing the constraints that were making the garment industry uncompetitive, they basked on the already secured preferential agreements and wasted valuable time and resources in securing more of them. Where and how did it go horribly wrong? The answer lies in an inability to foresee the changes brought about by globalization. In 1990, the WTO’s member countries signed the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (also known as the Multi-Fiber Agreement), which eliminated quotas on the trade of textiles and clothing. This was to be implemented in four phases; commencing with 16 percent reduction in quota of 1990’s imports. Thus, it was known two decades ago that all quotas in this sector would be abolished. There was ample time to invest and restructure the Nepali garment industry. However, both investors and policymakers turned a blind eye to the necessity for the reorganization of this industry. Traditionally, the Nepali garment industry grew not because its products were competitive and superior, but because it got preferential access to the markets in the US and the EU. The guaranteed market access for Nepali garments and the imposition of quota on exports from countries that had advanced capital and competitive production mechanism meant that even if our products were not competitive in terms of price and quality, they were still exported without any restriction on quantity. Prior to the first phase of quota elimination in 1995, Nepal had five years to upgrade its production structure so that firms could expand their size and tap synergies to exploit economies of scale, i.e. as you produce more of the same good, the average cost would decline. This would, in principle, improve price competitiveness of Nepali garments. Unfortunately, it never happened. Meanwhile, garment investors in countries such as China, India, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka, with the help of their governments, were already working to ensure the competitiveness of their products and the consolidation of their production. They were already preparing for the competitive international garment market after 2005. The first phase of quota elimination in 1995 was followed by further quota eliminations of 17 percent in 1998, 18 percent in 2002, and finally 49 percent at the end 2004. The second phase of quota elimination hit the Nepali garment industry and the overall exports very hard, leading to a collapse of total exports, which have not recovered to the level reached in 1997. Though this was a catastrophic blow to the whole export-based sector, it was not appropriately heeded by investors and government. During the 10-year transition phase of MFA, the production structure in Nepali garment industry hardly changed. Most of the firms had small-scale production units with little cost advantage in production. Some of the intermediate goods that were used to produce final output were simply imported from third countries whose garments’ exports were subjected to quota restrictions, marginally redesigned, and stamped with ‘Made in Nepal’ tag for export. This meant that producers were merely acting as distributors to earn quick profits, often by gimmickry. There was very little creativity used in enhancing productivity, efficiency, marketing and distribution. Meanwhile, the investors paid little attention to product diversification and eroding competitiveness of their products. While other governments actively engaged in upgrading their garment industry by establishing Garment Processing Zones, Export Promotion Zones, increasing consultancy for better management, and extending capital and credit to their garment investors, the Nepali government ignored the aggressive steps taken by other countries and did pretty much nothing. It simply requested more preferential agreements. It also failed to encourage and help investors find niche markets abroad. In addition, the government was unable to ensure the security of investors and the smooth flow of goods across the Nepali border. Frequent strikes along the main highways led to an increase in transportation cost. This also increased the risk of delivery problems, leading to an escalation in the final price of garments. It further eroded the price competitiveness of Nepali garments. To make matters worse, trade unions and militant youth wings made a mockery of property rights by occupying and confiscating private property, and forced an increase in wages and allowances, irrespective of labor productivity. The lack of a regular power supply also aggravated the situation. The downfall of the Nepali garment industry illustrates some important lessons, which could be used to avoid a similar fate befalling other export-based industries. The Nepali government should not be hankering after preferential export terms; it should be investing and ensuring that domestic firms are competitive in terms of price and quality and are constantly innovating to keep up with cut-throat competition in the international market. Meanwhile, it is imperative that the government keep investors and supply chains away from the clutches of the militant youth wings and the unions. An industrial policy and trade promotion policy designed to address these issues is a need of the hour to keep our industrial base intact. schandan@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14179 There are hardly four months left for the term of the Constituent Assembly (CA) to expire. Looking at the politicians’ demeanor, it does not appear that they are genuinely concerned about the impending crisis. The day-to-day struggle for political survival has sucked out the sense of responsibility from Nepali politicians. Drafting the constitution seems to be the last thing in their mind. In a populist nation, where mere shifting of blame can get one out of trouble, their carefree attitude is well-justified. Insincerity in Nepali politics becomes evident from the ongoing political mess. The political mess that the Maoists created by trying to get rid of Rookmangud Katawal last year is yet to be sorted out. Now, we have a High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) under the leadership of Nepali Congress (NC) President Girija Prasad Koirala with Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Jhala Nath Khanal as members. Interestingly, one of the three men in-charge to sort out the existing mess is also the man (read Dahal) who created the mess in the first place. It is the Nepali way of righting the wrongs: Make the troublemaker a troubleshooter. Some may find it as the only way to move forward, but as far as I am concerned, such measures will invite more problems than they can actually solve. The never-ending quest for shortcuts has led us to where we are now. It may troubleshoot the current problem but creating such a mechanism is wrong on so many levels. Measures like this one will allow personality cult to develop and turn the so-called top leaders into indispensable nannies. Common men’s faith on institutions will eventually fizzle out if the elected bodies such as the CA are bypassed, repeatedly. Solution to the existing and future political problems—this definitely will not be the last one—should be explored in the CA, not outside. Plus, a nation cannot and should not be run through never-ending series of deal makings. Before getting into the necessity and fixes that mechanisms such as HLPM can bring about, it is necessary to take a step back and examine who creates these never-ending series of political mess, for which, we need these extra-constitutional mechanisms. The latest one started with the reinstatement of former Nepal Army Chief Katawal. Dahal and his men in the name of establishing civilian supremacy obstructed the CA for months and forced numerous nationwide strikes. After being unable to coerce the coalition members, Dahal is now all set to find a solution through HLPM. If you connect the dots, it becomes crystal clear that there is a method to the Maoists’ mode of operandi. Dahal and his top-level subordinate are using the Madman theory of politics! There is a method to the Maoists’ madness; you got to understand that and learn to deal with it effectively. The only way to tame the Maoists is by defeating their agendas in the Constituent Assembly. While the politicians of the major political parties such as NC and CPN-UML often appear reasonable, which is not solely because of their level-headedness but compulsion, Dahal and his comrades warn Nepali public in general, and politicians of opposition parties in particular, that there is a mad figure hovering in the background who could go off the handle anytime. The unending series of nonsense that Dahal’s men were engaged in has not stopped altogether even after Dahal has been inducted as a member of the HLPM. Only last Friday, the Maoists’ waved black flags at President Dr Ram Baran Yadav in Panauti, Kavre district, when he arrived there to inaugurate a ceremony marking the Makar Mela. Dahal’s men are continuously engaged in activities that are aimed at undermining the strength of the state. If asked, none of the leaders at the helm of the affairs will own responsibility for such actions. As usual, they will shrug it by portraying it as an isolated incident. Over the years, the Maoists have perfected the Madman theory. By openly threatening the nation with bloodshed and turning gullible intelligentsia into fellow travelers through their populist agendas, the Maoists in Nepal have been able to achieve what other insurgent groups in South Asia can only dream of. While Dahal and his men have mastered the Madman theory and have been using it very effectively to their benefit, the politicians on the other side of the isle such as Ram Chandra Poudel have perfected Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf nicknamed as “Baghdad Bob” theory—keep on claiming supremacy till you are doomed. Like Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf, Saddam Hussein’s information minister, who claimed that there were no American troops in Baghdad and that the Americans were committing suicide by the hundreds at the city’s gates while the American tanks were rolling a few hundred meters from the location where he held the press conference, Poudel and the likes continue to bask upon past glory. Recently, during his speech at the Chatham House in London, Poudel put the blame for current instability and chaos squarely on the Maoists and vowed that the NC would not let the core values of open society, parliamentary politics, human rights and accountability be compromised. Poudel must be living in Bagdad Bob’s fantasy world to have missed what the Maoists did recently to his colleague duo Minendra Rijal and Prakash Sharan Mahat, who also represent NC in the current government. Rijal was manhandled and Mahat’s official vehicle has vandalized by Maoists cadres. If history has taught us anything with regard to talking to the Maoists in the dark corridors, it is this: Striking deals in dark corridors gets us nowhere. There is a method to their madness; you got to understand that and learn to deal with it effectively. The only way to tame the Maoists is by defeating their agendas in the CA. Remember, living in a fantasy world got Bagdad’s Bob nowhere and the result will not be any different for those suffering from Baghdad Bob’s syndrome in Nepal. Wake up! hbdulal@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14180 The other day, four members from the CPN-UML demanded that their votes cast in favor of parliament-elected executive prime minister in the Constituent Assembly (CA) committee be nullified. They reasoned that they now wanted to vote as per the “party policy”! On Dec 1, the CA Committee on System of Governance had held a vote on systems of governance and elections from among proposals put forth by the UCPN (Maoist), Nepali Congress (NC), UML and the Tarai Madhes Democratic Party. At that time, the UML and the NC struck a deal – on quid pro quo basis – to defeat the Maoist proposal. The Maoists are advocating for a directly elected executive president. The deal entailed that the NC would vote in favor of UML-proposed electoral system, which is heavy on proportional representation and the UML’s reciprocal support to NC’s PM-elected-by-parliament measure. The four UML members in question had voted for the proposals at the time as per “party policy”. So, why this change of heart? Without doubt, internal party rift is at play. These UML members belong to a faction led by party chairman Jhala Nath Khanal. The other faction, led by KP Sharma Oli, which also has Prime Minister (PM) Madhav Kumar Nepal’s blessings, was active in forging an alliance with the NC during the voting on systems of governance. While the Khanal faction is believed to have majority in the UML’s Parliamentary Party (PP), the Oli faction holds sway in its Politburo and the powerful Central Committee. The PP, on Jan 11, decided to ignore the voting of Dec 1 as directed by UML Politburo and revert to its proposal on election of executive PM as per its CA election manifesto and the party’s general convention mandate in early 2009. With none of the proposals on system of governance getting a clear majority, the Khanal faction now wants to stick to its earlier stance. It is unfortunate that the CA is becoming a playground for the UML factions to stage their game of one-upmanship. The discussions and votes in the assembly are serious matters and cannot be taken lightly. While the UML has all the right to stick to its election manifesto, the party cannot take its responsibility in the CA lightly for it would mean more delays in writing the constitution on time. The voting controversy also demonstrates the short-sightedness of our party leaders. The UML members can always “correct” their votes when all the proposals and preliminary drafts from various CA committees face the 601-member assembly. Trying to disturb the process of finalization due to intra-party rift is unacceptable. This is not the first time that a party has delayed the CA’s functioning. The Maoists did it with frequent changing of their proposed federal Nepal’s maps; the NC sought more time only to say at the end that it won’t submit any. The parties either change their stance frequently or cannot convey anything at all, causing needless delays. We ask all the parties to ensure that their intra-party rift or indecision does not hold the CA a hostage. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14178 The Maoists’ entered Madhes and there they unleashed all their potential for violence overshadowing the long-recognised political movement for social change and justice through peaceful means. It is too early to argue that the Maoists’ conflict has raised social awareness of the marginalized community. Let’s wait for a few years to see the damages the Maoists’ have made to Madhes by radicalizing and ethnicizing the entire society. The youths have been lured into carrying guns. The movement initiated by Ram Narayan Mishra, Beda Nand and Gagendra Narayan with the slogan ‘Jago Madhesi, Lelo Madhes’ has now sadly transformed into ‘Jago Madhesi, Looto Madhes’. Is it a social transformation? All the energetic youths who could have filled the leadership vacuum have been killed once they started following the Maoists’ path. Just imagine the political height that the Madhes movement could have gained if the Maoists conflict had not taken place. Strikes, road blockades and closures have become tools to maximize personal interests in the veil of pushing forward political demands. Due to violence and criminalization of the society, all the intellectuals and the business community have migrated to other places. Political and ethnic polarization of the society has weakened traditional communal ties. The Maoists’ abused ethnicity as a means to mobilize large scale mass in their favor to secure political power and maintain patrimonies over resources. Jai Krishna Goit and Matrika Prasad Yadav were used as stairs to get to Baluwatar. Without these political fighters, Maoists’ seeds of violence might not have grown so quickly in the civilized land of Mithila and Buddha’s land of peace. The long-established political movement made way for a flood of killings, bombings, kidnappings and extortions. By creating a state of lawlessness and political vacuum, people with criminal backgrounds enjoyed safe heaven under a political nameplate. The mafia got chance to make a huge amount of money using the slogan of ‘Jay Madhes’. The Maoists’ slogan for liberation from internal colonization has reinforced the conviction that radical change is possible only by destroying business and economic activities, which are the main sources of livelihoods for the classless people in Madhes. They used to tag those who differed from the Maoists as Pahadi brokers, feudals and exploiters. Goit’s falling out with the Maoists and formation of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha accusing anti-Madhesi discrimination within the Maoist hierarchy formally opened the doors for the surge of armed groups in the Tarai. Ajay Yadav, Raju Mishra and Suraj lost their lives for nothing. People are tired of violence and criminalization. Please do not further Maoists’ legacy anymore in the Tarai. Stop politicizing identity to maximize individual economic benefits and political interests. ‘The creation of new is possible only with the destruction of the old’. If this principle of the Maoists is true, what about the traditional leadership within the Maoists? If they are against caste hegemony, why is Giriraj Mani Pokharel the head of the Madhes bureau? This is a clear example of hypocrisy, which shows that ethnic politics has been abused by the Maoists to sharpen conflicts in Tarai. Although this does not put a question mark on the Madhes demand of autonomy, it does highlight how the genuine agendas of democratization and decentralization of power have been sidelined strategically. A conflict scholar of South Asia Kumar Rupesinghe argues that ‘majority nationalist assertions, be they religious or ethnic, captured the instruments of the state and gained hegemony over the state apparatus’. The area and life of the locals have totally been devastated since the Maoists entered the land. Adopting guerrilla strategy to deal with structural discrimination has stimulated an increased presence of criminal behavior with a vicious cycle of violence leading towards the mercenarization of the entire society. The civilian population have become victims of the spread of violence amongst youths. Violence has reached such a climax that it might take the energy of two or three generations to come out from the Maoists’ orientation of violence, which has transformed Tarai into a battlefield. Madhesi community got nothing out of the so-called ‘people’s war’. Betraying Madhesis, the Maoists left the agenda of federalism while signing the Interim Constitution, which was reinforced by the Madhes movement. In the politics of compromise to reach power, they left the agenda of federalism behind. So, they cannot be true federalists. It is just their strategy to cash in on ethnic sentiments. Even if the federal structure is developed, the way they have criminalized and polarized the entire society, Madhes will not be any better than Bihar. People are tired of violence and criminalization. Please do not further Maoists’ legacy anymore in the Tarai. Stop politicizing identity to maximize individual economic benefits and political interests. Increasing trend of identity politics does not address people’s genuine concerns in a sustainable manner. To change the society and to bring about significant positive differences in the lives of the poor and marginalized people needs a more long-term approach to politics, which is missing in present day Nepal. What Madhes needs is better roads, teachers in schools, medicines and doctors in hospitals, income-generating businesses, introduction of modern farming and agriculture techniques, development and a peaceful society. There is no alternative to non-violent peaceful movement for social change. There are several examples in the 21st century, which demonstrate that violent resistance against unjust power systems, internal colonization or external occupation is likely to generate further violence. We need to learn from Mahatma Gandhi’s struggles in India and South Africa and Martin Luther King Jr’s civil rights campaign in the US. Their non-violent ways to bring in major social changes should be an example to all of us. It’s now time to internalize Arendt’s saying, “The practice of violence, like all action, changes the world, but the most probable change is to a more violent world.” http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14136 Indian External Affairs Minister SM Krishna’s ongoing official visit to Nepal (Jan 15-17) is being regarded as very significant as it is taking place at a time when Nepal is passing through a difficult transitional period. Krishna is being accompanied by Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao and other senior officials of the Ministry of External Affairs. Though the visit is said to be a regular one – to familiarize himself on the latest political developments in Nepal and as a follow-up action of Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s official visit to India in August last year – there is a belief in Nepal that the trip will have big repercussions in Nepal-India relations. Besides signing four Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) on economic and technical cooperation, the visit is expected to enhance political understanding and expand areas of cooperation between the two neighbors. Nepal and India have close and unique relations as a result of geographical proximity and historical and cultural similarities. There is some 1800km-long open border between the two countries and Nepal is surrounded from three sides – east, west and south - by India. Though we also share our border with China and have good neighborly relations with the communist country, Nepal’s relation with India is a very special one. For the past 50-60 years, every big political change in Nepal has been in one way or the other influenced by India – be that of1950, 1980, 1990 or the People’s Movement II of 2006. Now, for the consolidation of federal democratic republic system, which Nepal has just adopted, for institutionalization of the achievement of 2006 movement and for establishing lasting peace in the country, we need India’s strong support and cooperation. We are living in a dilemma in the sense that we need foreign help and support while at the same time want to minimize foreign influence and domination. UCPN (Maoist) has been launching rallies raising high-sounding nationalistic slogans in the border areas to oppose the “encroachment” of our land and to protest against inundation of our territory. By doing so, they are attempting to strike three targets with a single arrow: To engage their cadres, to prove that the Maoists are the only nationalist force and to bargain with the southern neighbor. Though we also share our border with China and have good neighborly relations with the communist country, Nepal’s relation with India is a very special one. The issues relating to Susta, Kalapani and Laxmanpur dam are not new things. The Maoists also ruled the country for nine months but why did they forget to raise these issues while in power? They began making a big hue and cry just ahead of Minister Krishna’s visit, which is surprising. Foreign policy experts have pointed out that the issues relating to border dispute and other bilateral problems should be resolved through diplomatic channels and by holding political dialogues. Launching agitation on the streets will rather create new problems than solve it. What we need is track-two diplomacy. The two countries also have joint technical teams to look after the border issues. A foreign policy expert has even admitted that Nepal does not have a consistent foreign policy with regard to India. But India has a set policy towards Nepal, which is evident from her consistent views and behavior. It is natural to have issues between two close neighbors, which are interacting all the time. But there are proper ways and channels to deal with these issues and problems. In diplomacy, you do not make a big noise; it normally means doing things quietly. We should adopt a foreign policy on the basis of national consensus and national interests. Nepal signed the Mahakali Treaty with India more than a decade back with the support of two-third majority in the parliament. However, due to lack of political commitment and consistency, the treaty is yet to be implemented. Had the treaty been implemented in the stipulated time, we would not have suffered from such grueling power cuts now. We have also lost international credibility and trust due to our unstable and inconsistent policies. We should not always blame others when something goes wrong with us. We have to make a self-evaluation before blaming others. When our house is divided and weak, there is bound to be foreign interference. We should refrain from using double definitions regarding foreign intervention and foreign influence. Consistency is the key in foreign relations. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14137 The Constituent Assembly (CA) Sub-Committee under the Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Powers deserves a round of applause for narrowing down on two federal models out of the over 20 models submitted to it by political parties and members of the Sub-Committee. We have always maintained that finalizing the federal model and determining the system of governance in the new constitution will be the two biggest challenges for the CA. However, now that the Sub-Committee has opted for two federal models, it gives us a ground to discuss, debate, argue, agree and even disagree on the models and finally come to a consensus on one—it can be either one out of the two models presented or a healthier combination drawn out by merging both. Now, the most important task before us is to debate the pros and cons of both the models by involving not only the political parties but also experts and members of the civil society to come up with a structure that is agreeable to the vast majority. This is crucial before two-thirds majority in the CA endorses the final model. As we see it, both the models have their own merits and demerits. The model that proposes carving out 14 states addresses the demand of ethnic groups and looks inclusive. However, the question that arises is: Does it make sense for a poor country such as Nepal to incur huge administrative costs on the parliaments and bureaucracies of 14 states? How viable is it economically to carve out so many tiny states? Won’t states as small as Newa or Birat be compelled to depend on the center defeating the whole idea of federalizing them? Similarly, the model that proposes six states makes sense in administrative terms. It also addresses the demand of those advocating for an anti-ethnic model. However, is the model inclusive enough? With so many ethnic groups fighting vigorously for their identify and representation, isn’t the model unfair to them? In the next few months, these are exactly the questions that need to debated intensely by political parties and their leaders, experts, civil society and all the stakeholders. The idea is to agree on a model that is representative of the sentiments of the majority of Nepalis. Having said that, we understand that it is impossible to narrow down on a model that will satisfy everyone. But the idea is to keep on moving ahead. The model approved by the CA need not be unalienable. When there is a genuine demand and need in the future for newer states or, say, for merging two states into one, it can always be incorporated by amending the constitution. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14096 An earthquake can destroy a city within a few seconds or minutes. It is the singular most dangerous natural hazard. The timing, character and nature of an earthquake are difficult to predict. Earthquakes can trigger landslides, fire and tsunami, all of which can have crippling effects. The great earthquake of 1934 – which registered 8.4 on the Richter Scale – that hit Nepal on Jan 16, 1934, killed 16,775 people and damaged 318,000 houses, rendering thousands homeless. A recent report by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) estimates that if an earthquake of the same intensity were to hit the Kathmandu Valley, 50 percent of the buildings would be damaged while 12 percent of the population would die. Another recent study on the movement of tectonic plates and analysis of the history of Himalayan earthquakes has predicted that the next great earthquake will hit the ‘central gap’ of the Himalayas of Nepal. The earthquake can strike anytime. All these facts clearly demonstrate the alarming situation that Nepal is in. Against this context, celebration of Earthquake Safety Day on Jan 16, which also marks the 76th anniversary of the great 1934 earthquake, is not only meaningful but should be of concern to all Nepalis. Nepal has acknowledged the need for earthquake safety measure especially after the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (1990-2000) and has already initiated different strategies at the national level. Implementation of building code and mandatory requirement of submitting structural calculation in building permit system are some of the specific measures that have been taken up. Other activities include retrofitting of schools, preparation of emergency hospital plans and conducting training and drillings in different parts of the country. These fragmented efforts need appreciation; however, they are not sufficient to deal with the complex nature of an earthquake. In the case of Nepal, socioeconomic disparity and uneven development within the larger economic political system is more responsible for increasing vulnerability to earthquakes rather than the natural hazard itself. We need to understand that the disaster created by an earthquake is the result of seismic hazard (physical event) in a vulnerable city (social aspect). The seismic hazard of the Kathmandu Valley (in fact, the whole of Nepal) is due to four geological processes: (1) location between the two young and active Tibetan and Indian Plates, (2) many fault lines crisscrossing the Valley, (3) soft floor of pre-historic lake, and (4) occurrence of many earthquakes in the past. As these natural processes cannot be changed, the only practical solution is to build human settlements as per seismic hazard and to prepare for an emergency situation. In fact, in the case of Nepal, socioeconomic disparity and uneven development within the larger economic political system is more responsible for increasing vulnerability rather than the natural hazard itself. Numerous activities associated with the present trend of rapid urbanization (6 percent in the Kathmandu Valley) and haphazard urban (re)development in the historic core area as well as in the peripheral agricultural lands of Kathmandu (and other urban centers) are responsible for increasing vulnerability to an earthquake, exposing a higher percentage of population to seismic hazard, and decreasing the capacity of urban and emergency services to cope with disaster in many ways. Even the so-called planned development of private apartments and land pooled neighborhoods, including individual construction of buildings, are not designed from a seismic perspective. Many private schools, colleges, other educational institutions and private nursing homes, which should act as ‘evacuation shelters’ and ‘treatment centers’ in the event of an earthquake striking the Valley, are running their activities in ordinary residential buildings. Replacing old three- to four-storied residential houses with eight- to ten-storied commercial office complexes in the urban centers has converted the narrow pedestrian lanes, street squares and courtyards into parking lots, garbage dumping sites, and ‘death traps.’ The riverfronts, prone to liquefaction in case of an earthquake, are filled up by either slums or squatter settlements. New emerging architectural trend of decorating building façade with numerous ‘false’ elements by putting decorative elements such as double columns, bay windows, sloped roof, etc also makes buildings vulnerable to earthquakes due to the lack of structural connection with the main system. Due to differences in building (and floor) height, materials and construction technology in new constructions, there will be ‘pounding effect’ vis-à-vis adjacent houses in case of an earthquake. The existing legislation is simply inadequate and ineffective to curb these practices. The Department of Disaster Management (earlier Special Disaster Unit) within the Home Ministry is the only government agency entrusted with issues related to natural disasters. Sadly, it also only deals with relief and rescue part during the emergency period under the Natural Relief Act 1982. Other public agencies have neither the managerial capability to analyze earthquake vulnerability in the context of the whole city within comprehensive framework nor have a disaster management unit within their organizations. Hence, no fund is allocated for mitigation and preparedness works. The 1995 Kobe, Japan, earthquake has clearly demonstrated that preparedness of emergency plans in the hospitals alone does not make any sense, unless there is means of keeping all the apparatus and equipments and staffs including electricity in tact during emergency, which is not possible in the case of urban areas of Nepal. Similarly, lack of quality control on construction work and building materials, wrong detailing of bars in slabs and columns and absence of supervision on the site, have reduced the effectiveness of checking structural drawings at municipalities. Moreover, the built form of urban centers of Nepal, including the capital cities of Kathmandu Valley, does not allow rescue and relief operation on the site and transporting the victims to the hospital. On top of that, the ambulance facility, fire fighting capacity and scarcity of water have all rendered these emergency facilities ineffective even in a normal situation, forget during an earthquake. Celebration of Earthquake Safety Day will only be meaningful if the above mentioned issues are addressed. It makes sense only if the losses of lives and property and disruption in socioeconomic activities can be reduced if and when an earthquake strikes the Valley. Many people have not only adopted wrong practices of building construction but they have also taken earthquake awareness programs as an ‘event’ like ‘Dashain’ or ‘Deepawali’ to be celebrated once in a year. This is unfortunate and needs to be corrected. On the development front, what is required is an integration of disaster mitigation components and techniques into urban (re)development process. They need to be applied through flexible means of incentives, consensus and awareness programs rather than by rigid bylaws. On the legal and institutional front, a separate disaster management institution at the central level backed by new legislation to formulate earthquake mitigation techniques, emergency response plan, and post-reconstruction programs by coordinating various concerned agencies is essential. The community’s preparedness should be upgraded by retrofitting the existing buildings, preparing rescue and response plan, educating and training those involved in the building industry, together with bringing public awareness at the local ward level. If the city is unable to increase emergency facilities, it can at least prevent the densification and formation of vulnerable communities through a decentralization policy and development control mechanism. These measures can help to reverse the present disaster approach, which is still ‘responsive’ in nature rather than ‘preventive’. Moreover, it will complement to develop a culture of building earthquake-resistant cities and disaster-responsive societies. Then only will the celebration of Earthquake Safety Day hold any meaning. bkshrestha@hotmail.com smitashr82@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14095 Architects are free professionals. They prefer to work quietly and privately in their offices and homes. But, by nature, their creations remain visible and public. Houses and public spaces designed in smart architectural forms and fashions become visible to all of us. We understand why tourists and locals, lovers and drifters, all love to go and gather around streetscapes, private houses and public spaces designed in various cultural or paramparik architectural forms at different times in the Kathmandu Valley. If such is the case, why then are the cities in the Valley moving away from the trails and traces of paramparik architectural forms and their formalistic features at a dangerously-fast pace? Why haven’t we shown any resentment against the current mode and manner of urbanization that is taking place in our cities? Why haven’t any major political party and their ideologues articulated or shown their concerns about the dwindling architectural heritage of the Valley? Importantly, why haven’t Nepali architects created any ideological force to condition the concerned governmental bodies to launch smarter and culturally-viable architectural urban policies? Why haven’t they realized that they can become probably the most powerful cultural and aesthetic force as there are millions of lovers and friends of traditional architectures of the Valley living in this country and abroad? Why haven’t Nepali architects become ‘political’ professionals so that they remain one of the most important and powerful creative forces of this country? Why haven’t students of performing arts and cultures of the Valley, especially those studying architecture as the subject of academic degree, realized the urgency of creating an intellectual force to secure a safe future for their career as well as architectural arts and cultures of the Valley? I may sound harsh to several creative architects who have remained keen and dedicated to the making of the best use of traditional Nepali architectures in modern times and contexts. But the reality is that architects in this country have not defined themselves as ‘political’ minds. This is already a great loss to the heritage of art and culture of the Valley. Most of the recently-built apartment buildings are very indifferent to the traditional architectural heritage of the Kathmandu Valley. They look arrogant and culturally-alien. At a talk program titled “Restoration of Newari Architecture” organized by the Indian Cultural Center recently, Rabindra Puri, a creative Nepali architect narrated his achievements and the obstacles that he has faced while moving down the difficult terrains of restoring old buildings and temples. Puri, a humble and dedicated creative architect, someone “who combines humanities with aesthetics” in the words of documentary director and journalist Shekhar Kharel, is a trendsetter in the domain of not only constructing houses in traditional Nepali architectural styles but also in restoring old buildings in stronger and dynamic architectural forms. His creative works have given him worldwide recognition as his “Namuna Ghar”, an old dilapidated house now restored in a smart traditional architectural look, was recognized by UNESCO with an award a couple of years ago. Senior cultural critics and historians of the Valley’s performance arts and cultures hold the view that Puri’s works need to be read in the context of history and heritage of restoring culturally-important houses and spaces once set and nurtured by the German architects especially those who worked in Bhaktapur and Patan in the 1980s and the 1990s. Major part of the Bhaktapur city work went through a process of renovation during the period. Abhi Subedi, a playwright who has written over half a dozen plays about cultural and architectural issues of the Kathmandu Valley, argues that Puri’s works should be considered remarkable especially at a time when the government is pathetically relying on donor nations to conserve and restore culturally- and architecturally-important buildings and spaces. Puri has created a ‘cellular’ force that has given us a hope that the beauty and the meanings associated with the traditional architectural poetics and practices are here to stay. To the questions put by this scribe on how Nepali cultural policymakers, entrepreneurs and his fellow architects and their organizations have responded to his works, Puri pointed out that the Nepali cultural policymakers, especially the bureaucrats of the present times, have been giving an impression that they have been given the post and position to harass minds and dampen energies involved in this creative yet challenging mission of restoring old buildings and spaces. He further said that none of the banks offered him any loan though he approached them to help him in his project of the famous “Namuna Ghar’. On the occasion, he humbly thanked the Nepali media for recognizing his works and providing remarkable publicity. Most of the recently-built apartment buildings are very indifferent to the traditional architectural heritage of the Valley. They look arrogant and culturally-alien. It seems as if they have come from a distant land to humiliate the soul and spirit of Nepali paramparik architectural arts of this land. This supports the logic that the businessmen and the bankers working in the Valley of our times are not culturally- and architecturally-educated. Though I am just a student and researcher of the performance culture of the Valley rather than an architect, I would suggest the architects to feel the urgency of combining their professionalism with humanities and aesthetics that are local and meaningful. They can produce discourses about the urgency of designing and constructing houses, lanes and public spaces in the structures or poetics warranted by the Valley’s paramparik architectures, and circulate them among the architects, politicians and the so-called important people. To put it in simple words, they need to speak in favor of paramparik Nepali architectures by creating dialectics between it and other forms of architectures that are being practiced these days. They have to convince the politicians, bureaucrats, bankers and real estate wallahs that paramparik architecture needs to be part and parcel of the development efforts, which take place in the cities of the Valley on a daily basis. Several culturally- and architecturally-important monuments, traditional lanes and streetscapes in the cities reveal that architects were the major fundamental creative powers behind the saga of the prosperity of art and culture of this Valley. Therefore, architects of our times need to evoke that particular history and heritage that their ‘forefathers’ carved out long, long ago in a very powerful and creative manner in the present contexts and times. And, for this, they need to roar like lions sending chills down the spines of those who are deliberately indifferent to and naive about the beauty and importance of paramparik architecture of the Valley. rijalshiva@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14097 Over the years, the trend of rapid urbanization and haphazard development activities in the core historical areas and in peripheral agricultural lands of Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Patan have increased the earthquake vulnerability of the Valley, thereby leaving a huge number of people under high danger if the country is to get a quake jolt. Seismologists have predicted that in case a disaster of the same magnitude as that of the great earthquake of 1934 (which registered 8.4 on the Richter Scale) was to hit the Valley, thousands of people will die while there will be a lot more casualties. In the wake of the earthquake of 1934, when the Valley was a lot less populated and settlements were sparse, over 16 thousand people lost their lives while more than 300,000 houses were destroyed, rendering thousands of people homeless. Nepal is already in the list of top 10 countries that are most vulnerable to earthquake in the near future. On Earthquake Safety Day, Jan 16, which coincides with the 76th anniversary of 1934 earthquake day, the decision-makers must review and evaluate the policies and measures put in place by the state in the field of disaster preparedness, awareness generation and disaster mitigation. Although Nepal has designed a building code to make the new structures earthquake resistant, the fact is that not enough has been done. With every modernization and development plan, the government must ensure an effective implementation of this much-needed building code for the safety and security of the Valley residents. Moreover, the state must invest in increasing the capacity of emergency services to cope with disaster. The focus must also be in community preparedness, conducting earthquake drills and formulating proper legislation on mitigation. A disaster management institution would do well to back the government’s mitigation technique, emergency response plan, post-reconstruction program and educating and training both the developers and the locals. If nothing is done or taken seriously, it might be just too late to save precious human lives as has been demonstrated by the Haitian earthquake (measuring 7 on the Richter Scale) of Jan 13, which has already claimed over 50,000 lives. The damage caused to the structures, buildings and properties of the people was simply immense. Besides the fury of nature, much damage was caused as structures were not made quake resistant and preparedness level was said to be low. One can only hope and pray that the Haitian experience is not repeated here. But if it does, one can only imagine the magnitude of the damage and expected casualties. The authorities concerned must wake up to this reality now. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14029 The political bickering at the center has reached a new height, something resembling the chatter at Janakpur’s fish market ever since Prachanda made his infamous speech at Naya Baneshwar, subtly shifting the focus from civilian supremacy to national integrity. Animosities are running high, and rhetoric rather than rationality dominates the discourse. Rifts within each of the major political parties have become apparent. Even as the High Level Political Mechanism was taking shape, it was already clear that friction within the parties would make the body dysfunctional. Meanwhile, bandas are being organized by the Rastriya Janamorcha opposing federalism. They claim federalism, particularly that based on ethnicity or language, will lead to the disintegration of Nepal. It is not surprising that opposition to federalism comes from a limited demography belonging to a certain caste and a certain class. What is surprising though is that a substantial number of people support this cause without realizing that they are being used as foot soldiers in this battle. Let us get his clear – federalism is a solution to aspirations towards self-governance by minorities while maintaining national integrity, not the dissolution of the state. What federalism in Nepal aims to achieve is ‘holding together’ the different nationalities that exist within Nepal (the other theoretical model of federalism being ‘coming together’). Naming the future states along ethnic lines is merely acknowledging their existence and their history. How can we, as citizens of Nepal, whole heartedly support the Gorkhaland Movement aimed at achieving autonomy – clearly based on ethnicity – while oppose those within our territory? We have made a habit out of fear mongering. We have made it our habit to bring up nationalism whenever any political problems beset us. Nationalism, as it is interpreted and exploited today, is a curse, not a cure. We have a short time left to draft our new constitution. By focusing on whether or not federalism is good for the country, we are losing out on other critical issues. The focus now should not be on the appropriateness of federalism but rather on how to best manage it. Federalism has already been sanctified by the blood of numerous martyrs in our interim constitution. By the same spirit that our leaders never forget to recall – the spirit of the Jana Andolan II – we also cannot betray the cause for which so many laid their lives. The different ethnic movements were historic events of great significance. To bypass their achievements is grave injustice. There are critical issues that we have chosen to neglect in our arguments about federalism. Why are districts taken as the building block of future states? Can districts also not be redrawn? Districts were deliberately designed to contain ethnic discontent by ensuring that sizable numbers of marginalized ethnicities could not be politically organized in any given constituency. And what about minority rights in the states? Rather than crying hoarse about how other ethnicities would be discriminated against in the states, should be not be focusing on how to ensure that they are not discriminated against? Should we not rather be talking about the limits of authority of the central and the state governments? Or the structure and role of the judiciary? The sooner we get our priorities right, the better, because come the deadline for the promulgation of the constitution and we fail to do so, we will be opening up a Pandora’s Box. There are varied interpretations on the prevailing provisions in the interim constitution, and if anything, this should have taught us why it is important to have a clearly defined and well drafted constitution. Had we done so in the past, we could have averted much controversy. Yet, it seems we (or rather our leaders) never learn. Both the world’s shortest and the world’s longest constitutions have so far survived the test of time – the former without many amendments and the latter with many amendments and interpretations. The task we have at hand may not be as difficult to complete as it may appear, but its significance is of paramount importance. By focusing on all the wrong things and by the method with which politics is currently being practiced in Nepal, however, we may very well be inviting a catastrophe. We have made it our habit of taking to the streets to gain political currency. We have made a habit out of fear mongering. We have made it our habit to bring up nationalism whenever any political problems beset us. Nationalism, as it is interpreted and exploited today, is a curse, not a cure. So, as our leaders tour disputed territories or celebrate Prithvi Jayanti, let us keep one thing in mind. Our priority remains the drafting of an inclusive and pro-people constitution. Time is running out. For long we have suffered from political instability, partly caused by constitutions that were anti-democratic. And time and again, the dead horse of nationalism has been flayed to distract us from our genuine aspirations. Let our personal biases or beliefs not cloud our rationality. Let us ensure that this time, this constitution is truly ours, truly the people’s. daulat.jha@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14030 Education provides a foundation for the personal development of an individual but such is the country’s public education system that students get turned-off at the very first step. The government earmarks 17 percent of the national budget for the sector but it is worrying that 42 percent of students enrolled in grade one fail to make it to grade two. The rate of enrollment in schools is already not up to scratch and the fact that more than forty percent of those who enroll have to face disappointment at the first step of formal education proves a major deterrent for parents and children alike. Almost half of the education budget is spent at primary level to attract more children into schools and the Department of Education says the state invests around Rs 6,000 for every grade one student. The fact that 27 percent of those who fail repeat the grade the following year puts an unnecessary burden on already stretched state coffers, but more worrisome is the fact that 15 percent of the 1.4 million who get admitted in first grade drop out after their first year. Officials say the teachers, whose salary make for almost 90 percent of the educational expenditure, fail to deliver due to their political engagement. It is easy to put the blame on teachers, and they should take responsibility for the debacle, but the officials themselves admit that the current pupil-teacher ratio in the primary level is around 60:1, much higher than the standard of 40:1 in the mountainous region, 45:1 in the hills and 50:1 in the Tarai as set by them. Quality teachers could have lessened the impact of over-crowding but merit is not always the basis for recruitment of teachers. The officials also point to the fact that schools do not open for the mandatory 180 days per academic year as stipulated by the Education Act. This is a serious issue and the government must strictly enforce the Act to ensure the huge investment doesn’t go to waste. There must be several reasons for such dismal results for beginners and the government should identify them. It should also look to reform the current system that puts a premium on rote-learning. It is also time to revamp our examination system to make examinations more student-friendly. Some innovations in the teaching style and curriculum would engage the kids and not repel them from schools after the first year itself as is happening now. Teachers should be trained to employ a more inter-active mode of teaching to make classes fun to attend for the students and not an ordeal. This will help foster real learning and go a long way in increasing the performance of students beyond the exams. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14028 Adequate food is not a matter of charity but a basic human right. In other words, the right to food is a birthright. But how to realize this fundamental human right is a matter of great concern in today’s world of plenty. It is said that there is enough food for all, or could be produced enough to feed all, but one billion people or one sixth of the world’s population still suffer from hunger and malnutrition and the irony is that this number is growing each year. Right to food is human rights-based approach to food security and is defined by La Via Campesina, the international movement of peasants, small- and medium-sized producers, landless, rural women, indigenous people, rural youth and agricultural workers, as the people’s right to have safe, nutritious and culturally-appropriate food in sufficient quantity and quality to sustain a healthy life with full human dignity. Nepal in the later years has been increasingly becoming vulnerable to food insecurity and needs to work towards realizing the right to food in a way to guarantee food sovereignty in the country. Although the interim constitution has placed food sovereignty as a provision to accomplish people’s right to food, the State does not seem to be aware of how to put this right into practice. Nepal has ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and other treaties and instruments that recognize the right to food, which places both legal and moral obligation on the government to ensure freedom from hunger. Similarly, by adopting the Right to Food Guidelines of FAO governing council in 2004, member States are now in a better position in implementing the right to food, thus helping bridge the gap between legal recognition and effective realization of the right to food. The Voluntary Guidelines support the progressive realization of the right to adequate food in the context of national food security. The first step to realize the right to food is to initiate the formation of a high-level powerful central body such as Right to Food Commission. The Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives mandated for food production and mainly making food available in Nepal isn’t bestowed with the responsibility to work for the right to food. There is not a single sectoral organization either to take care of this right. The first step, therefore, to realize the right to food is to initiate the formation of a high-level powerful central body such as Right to Food Commission. Without political will and adhering national and international laws, implementing the right and adopting concrete policies and programs is not possible. There are steps to realize the right to food such as identifying hungry people by conducting a thorough assessment, formulating a sound food security strategy, allocating obligations and responsibilities to concerned stakeholders, creating legal framework for the right and monitoring progress to achieve the goals. Food sovereignty and thus the right to food cannot be established without having a massive agrarian reform on the existing traditional agricultural practices in the country. It is the right of people to develop and maintain their own capacity to produce food in their own territory. Farmers must have access to productive land, technology, market, credit and research and extension services. National and international programs and policies, therefore, should not disrupt and destroy local productive capacities of people and peasant families. Food aid should only be provided in emergency situations with a clear exit strategy so as to avoid the creation of dependency. The government, therefore, has to enable right to food by adopting measures that ensures people the right to produce food or enhance capacity to be able to buy sufficient food in the market price. The government must not allow its people to remain at the mercy of free and subsidized food for a long time. This is against the spirit of the right to food, which ultimately reduces the pride and dignity of people. Although Nepal’s poverty reduction strategy includes food security, the integration of the right to food concept into the development plan however is a new notion. Realization of the right to food agenda cannot be achieved by a single actor. The government is committed to strengthen governance and food right issues in its policies, programs and legal framework but stakeholders and civil society organizations must come forward to forge strong partnerships. As the major movers and shakers, civil society organizations have to play a big role in the realization of the right to food, which is supposed to be a precondition to achieving national food security in the country. drdahal_h@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13986 The political scenario of the country seems to be deteriorating in contrary to the expectation of the people to achieve peace, freedom, rule of law and stability after the people’s movement of 2006-07. The squabbling over who is going to lead the government has been the prime agenda, thereby sidelining the constitution-drafting agenda. This has worried and confused a large section of the Nepali society. Questions are being raised regarding the will and acumen of our political leaders to drive forward the political process of the country. Conflicts among the political parties are on the rise and strikes, lockouts, obstruction of transport system, and extortion by criminal groups have become major hindrances in achieving growth. A typical example is the blockade of highway linking Kathmandu to Birgunj for 19 days over a period of two months between mid-October and mid-December, 2009, completely disrupting the supply of petroleum products and other essential supplies to Kathmandu valley. This, on the one hand, is disrupting the supply chain frequently while eroding the investment climate on the other. This is also gradually eating up the business environment of the country. There are even speculations of capital flight through informal channels, which are largely not accounted for. The clouds of uncertainties are hovering over the Nepali political and economic arena. Various discourses have opened up on ethnicity, language, empowerment of the marginalized people, integration of the Maoist army, and carving out federal states. Academicians, civil society, opinion leaders, saints and clerics are pulling their strings for fulfilling their aspirations. But the larger national interests are being undermined in an effort to fulfill the petty interests of individual groups. This, of course, is leading to further complications and the country is heading towards a trap of protracted cycle of disarray and conflict. The economic agenda of the country is being shadowed by the growing political risk and uncertainties. It is obvious that political freedom available to all citizens cannot sustain until it is backed by economic freedom and an increase in the income level of the common people. Economic liberty is distinct from political or civil liberty. The latter means how much free people are to participate in the political process on an equitable basis, liberties of protection against unreasonable searches, access to fair trials and rights of free assembly and expression while the former is basically about securing rights to property, freedom to engage in voluntary transaction inside and outside a nation’s borders, freedom from governmental control of the terms on which individuals transact and freedom from governmental expropriation of properties. Nepal is facing several difficulties and constraints in aligning itself in the international economic and trade processes and utilizing the opportunities emanating from globalization of its economy. Ayal and Kawas, professors from University of Illinois, Chicago, have indicated six indicators of economic freedom: Stable monetary environment, minimized role of government enterprises, rare real negative interest rates, small difference between the official and black market exchange rates, large size of trade sector and freedom of citizens to transact with foreigners. The Nepali history of economic freedom is closely associated with political freedom. The political changes bought about in 1990 that re-established the multi-party system has changed the direction of economic setting from a closed economy towards a more open and liberalized economic system. Policy changes in various sectors of economy – liberalization of financial sector, new industrial and foreign investment policy, trade policy, labor policy, openness of transport sector and civil aviation – have enabled people to travel toward achieving economic freedom. Privatization of public enterprises was also taken up as a major step towards liberalization of the Nepali economy. However, these policy shifts could not be backed by improvement in governance, which is equally important to push the agenda of liberalization. Transparency, accountability, rule of law and predictability are important elements that contribute to good governance and the absence of these in the public administration creates chaos and defeats the very objectives and efficacy of economic freedom. The performance of the Nepali economy, when judged from the parameters of good governance and economic freedom, portrays a dismal picture. A study carried out by the Fraser Institute in 2008 shows that Nepal ranks 128 out of 141 countries in terms of economic freedom with the summary rating of indicators at 5.4 out of 10. India ranks 77 with an indicator level of 6.6, Bangladesh 108 (5.9), Sri Lanka 103 (6.1), Pakistan 104 (6.1) and China 93 (6.3) out of 141 countries. This implies that in Nepal there is a lot of work to be done to make the people sovereign in economic terms. Empirical studies have shown that prosperity, equity and economic development of a country is dependent on the level of economic freedom enjoyed by the people. As a least developed country, Nepal needs to pursue the path of high economic growth for increasing the income level of the poor masses, improving the status of nutrition, housing and sanitation, health and education and reducing infant mortality and maternal mortality as envisioned in the Millennium Development Goals. The linkages between economic freedom and social development can be positive and mutually reinforcing if right policies are adopted and the level of governance is improved. The dismal picture of economic development is mainly attributed to the nasty political scenario and rising differences among the major political parties. Increased economic activities and employment to a large number of unemployed youth through healthy growth of investment and export trade is necessary for stabilizing politics and society. This would require forging a common understanding and commitments among all political parties and interest groups on not disrupting the economic process for the common wellbeing of the people. Unwarranted activities like strikes, lockouts, labor unrest and transportation blockades need to be put aside for the larger economic interest of the country. Economic blockades should not be taken as a means to achieve political goals. Nepal is facing several difficulties and constraints in aligning itself in the international economic and trade processes and utilizing the opportunities emanating from globalization of its economy. Thus, there is a need for developing common understanding and making collective efforts in order to provide greater economic freedom to the Nepali people and society, which in turn will fuel the process of political freedom and stability. (Writer is Commerce Secretary.) puruojha@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13987 The injection of over 5 billion rupees into the market by the central bank has contained the rising inter-bank borrowing rate, bringing hopes that it might also take the pressure off commercial bank lending rates. As inter-bank borrowing rose to a whopping 14.5 percent last week the central bank, on Sunday, issued its largest ever repo -- lending by the central bank against government bills owned by banks-- worth 10 billion rupees. The impact was immediate: inter-bank borrowing rates quickly shrank to 11 percent and there are indications they might decline further. This is the first time, during the last three months, that the inter-bank borrowing rate has declined. Earlier, the central bank´s injection of 15 billion rupees into the market had failed to stabilize interest rates. But the interest rate stabilization has come at a cost. The release of more money into the economy will push up inflation, which has already touched double digit, and boost imports, further upsetting the Balance of Payments (BoP)—the national account of the net inflow of foreign currency. The BoP deficit widened by a record Rs 20.5 billion during the first four months of the current fiscal year. This was largely due to growing mismatch between our imports and exports. As the liquidity crunch eases in the market it will further boost imports. To have a liquidity crunch and a BoP problem in the economy at the same time is like, in medical terms, having tuberculosis and diabetes simultaneously. If you inject glucose into the body, it will worsen the diabetes but if you reduce its intake, it will aggravate tuberculosis. Yet the central bank has injected liquidity into the market hoping that the BoP imbalance is a short-term aberration that will correct itself over time. Hope the central bank is right. If the current injection of liquidity has pulled down interest rates thereby reducing the cost of productive investment, it may have some positive effect on prices. But the supply side of the Nepali economy is very weak and even weaker is its impact on prices. So the immediate beneficiary from easing the liquidity crunch, assuming it will pull down lending rates, will be borrowers from banks. Housing and auto loan rates have risen by as much as 8 percentage points in the last few years, hurting lower-middle and middle-class consumers who have borrowed from the banks. The banks must revise the lending rates as there are strong indications the liquidity crunch is over, at least for now. On Sunday the banks borrowed only 5 billion rupees equivalent of repo though the actual offer was 10 billion rupees. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13985 Evidently, traveling within a city gets worse as a society grows richer. Although Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world, a small percentage of people are rich and can afford private vehicles. Today, car ownership in Nepal is very low compared to developed countries. But the ratio is increasing rapidly. An increasing number of middle-class people use two-wheelers and that number is swelling by the day. This will generate a lot of problems in the next few years especially in the Kathmandu valley. For this reason, we must pay attention to improving Kathmandu’s transportation system as soon as possible. Mobility is an essential human need. Human survival and societal interactions rely on the ability to move people and goods from one place to another. Public transport services are part of the basic mobility provision in rural areas and one means of reducing congestion and pollution as part of an integrated transport policy in urban areas. Public buses are the main form of ground transport in Nepal. But reliability of public transportation is falling day by day. The people in the capital are especially frustrated with the existing public transport, which is resulting in the increasing number of private vehicles on the roads. Local transport in the Kathmandu valley includes taxis with and without meters, micro and mini buses, tempos, auto rickshaws, bicycle rickshaws and bicycles. The level of dissatisfaction with public transport in Nepal is very high. Public buses are normally very crowded, comparatively expensive, and uncomfortable to stand as well as to sit in. They do not have travel time schedule, integrated ticketing system and transfer, and proper bus stops. These factors are prompting the public to opt for private transport. It is essential to develop a system now so that the public is encouraged to use public transport. For users, four factors are paramount in determining satisfaction from transport services: Time, cost, dependability or predictability, and comfortable service. A fixed travel time should be allocated and easy transfer and integrated interconnection as well as integrated ticketing system should be developed. Developing the infrastructure can be an option to manage the increasing traffic but it is painstaking. The country cannot always keep on developing infrastructure as traffic problems multiply. Therefore, traffic management is the best way for the smooth flow of traffic in cities such as Kathmandu. In the best run cities of the world, a majority of people use public transport for their daily commute. Traffic problems cannot be solved in a day or two; it can only be managed through long-term planning. Introducing metro and trains takes a long time and is very expensive. With the present Nepali economy, development of metro or trains in Kathmandu is out of question. But developing an integrated bus transit is affordable. Additionally, bus transit is flexible in routing and easily expandable. Implementation of integrated bus transit starts with the systematic replacement of low-capacity public vehicles with high-capacity ones. These vehicles should be easy to board, comfortable to ride and quiet. One high-capacity bus can carry the same number of passengers as a few micro or mini buses. This will result in less number of vehicles on the roads, which makes the task of traffic management easier. Owners of traditional buses become shareholders of the new operating companies. A city with a number of bus operators should have the same fare collection technology enabling passengers to use a single fare card or token system. The fare collection systems need to be secure, efficient, and simple. A fixed travel time should be allocated and easy transfer and integrated interconnection as well as integrated ticketing system should be developed. Walking distance between transferring points must be made as short as possible, with safe passageways (pedestrian bridges, zebra crossings and shaded pathways). There could be numerous operating companies (even the government can operate the system). However, there should be coordination between the operators regarding the inter-connections, timetables and ticketing. The bus stations should be well-designed with large shelters and route information allowing people to board the buses quickly from a platform that is level with the bus floor. Since it does not take much time to plan and design physical facilities for a bus system, principal attention can be given to the layout of routes, so that a good geographic coverage is achieved and the largest numbers of potential riders are able to gain convenient access to the service. The second major task is to schedule service so that demand is reasonably met with the least consumption of resources. Implementation of these strategies would certainly improve the public transportation systems of our capital which, in turn, would attract private vehicle users to use public transport. This improved system would reduce the number of vehicles on the streets making the management of traffic and parking easier. Fuel congestion would also be reduced. This system is economically- and environmentally-feasible. Above all, it will serve the people with quality transportation systems and with a better mobility option. (Writing is a MSc student (Transportation Systems) in Technical University, Munich, Germany.) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13949 For most of us Nepalis, it has been a practice since long to blame politics and politicians not only for the failure of the country on most fronts but also for the personal failures of our lives. Following this escapist and nearly fatalistic trend, if one were to have a bad professional career, we have the politicians to blame. Those who want to escape as economic migrants to prosperous countries have politicians to blame. Our university vice-chancellors and academic leaders, for example, who have not been able to do much in terms of providing quality education, have the politicians to blame. It seems as if it were our politicians who were responsible for all our personal failures in life and it were they who have taken the meaning of living out of our lives. While I find such transferring of blame terribly pathetic and escapist, I salute the patience and courage of our politicians. Here, I would like to propose to view our politicians from a different perspective. Look at the personal fight almost every single politician is fighting every single day. For example, look at Dr Baburam Bhattarai from the Maoist party who has had to struggle every minute for his own position in the party, to clean up his image as not being a pro-Indian, et al. Look at Mahantha Thakur – the once well-revered Nepali Congress (NC) leader – whose voice is losing strength every day. Within NC, almost every leader at the top level is deeply concerned about what will happen to their own future after the forthcoming General Convention. For CPN-UML, the individual leaders at the central level must be struggling hard to weigh which camp to align with to secure a better political future. These are just examples of the public type. We do not know what their spouses and children are telling our politicians. The children might be cursing them for not choosing other careers. On top of all that, nobody is going to believe now if a politician tells their family members that they joined politics for the cause of some ideals. What could be more pathetic than this? Maybe, those 40-plus something politicians are OK for the time being as they run different ministries in the government but what about the others? Imagine a day when all our politicians decide to give up politics as a profession. Well, of course, we will readily have some dictators to run the country and we will as well have the security forces to happily take charge. But then, who would we have to blame? It is a given that our politicians have not been able to do well. Because of this, we have not been able to respect the personal sacrifices they have made for politics. My point of view is that it is becoming increasingly difficult to continue to engage in politics in Nepal and one must acknowledge this fact with grace in favor of our politicians who have the patience to keep going. Whether one is in politics or elsewhere, the fundamental universal human condition remains the same and one is constantly looking for some meaning in life through the ideals one pursues. However, the question remains: Why should or why do some people choose to be in politics as opposed to the larger number of people who choose to pursue some other careers? It is only for a small lot that politics is just a convenient choice, like for the people born into political families. For the rest, it is the desire to achieve some higher ideal by dedicating oneself to this cause. However, in the case of Nepal, politics seems to be just the wrong place to achieve those higher, sublime goals, at least in the eyes of the common people in general. Despite such odds, isn’t it simply formidable that we have politicians who keep on going amidst the unhealthy race within each party? There is this general belief that the politicians must be criticized all the time so that they will be corrected. The media and civil society as watchdogs take it for granted that they should always be criticized. As a result of this, my observation is that the general people just think it is OK to blame the politicians without knowing what they are doing. And the poor politicians, like our constitutional president, do not even have a chance to defend themselves, nor can they even think of replying to people with ‘harsh’ words. I am not saying that we will achieve miracles by starting to appreciate the role of our politicians. However, I see that fairness is sometimes missing in our criticism of the leaders. Let us just think about any politician of the central level (maybe things are better at the district level) from any party, for example. Then think about how they start their days early to attend meetings, go around to deliver speeches from Reporter’s Club to some NGO seminars, meet their party bosses or senior leaders, attend formal dinners and return home tired with very little time for their families. Maybe, this will change our perspective about them a bit. bishnu.sapkota@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13950 The High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) constituted by the three major parties – UCPN (Maoist), NC and CPN-UML – has come under suspicion and fire before it has even started its work. Leaders as senior as Baburam Bhattarai, KP Oli and Bijaya Gachchhadar have raised questions about HLPM, ranging from its relevance to effectiveness to jurisdiction. The government, especially the prime minister and his confidants, seems to have the least confidence, if not a deep suspicion, in the HLPM. They fear that if and when the negotiations pick up, the Maoists will eventually force other leaders to enter discussions on power sharing that could ultimately see the end of this government. As the attacks on the HLPM have increased, the top leaders have volunteered themselves for counter attacks. UML Chairman Jhala Nath Khanal said the other day that there was no sensible ground on which the HLPM was being criticized. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal was even harsher when he said that those who criticized the HLPM were playing at the hands of the foreign forces. It’s another thing that Dahal, these days, sees foreign hands in everything that he does not like. It’s unfortunate that the HLPM, which was constituted to bridge the differences among the leaders, has sharpened the divide within and among the parties. Part of the problem lies in our pervasive cynicism – suspicion is often our starting point and we immediately begin to think about troubles that such forums can create instead of thinking about what positive contribution it can bring to the process. HLPM is a nothing more or less than a forum – a space if you may so call – for the top leaders to meet and put their heads together to find a way out of the current political stalemate. Trying to undermine the forum arguing that it’s an unconstitutional body only shows the narrow-mindedness and insecurity of those in power. Instead of getting distracted with the ongoing criticisms, the HLPM should expedite its work. First on its agenda should be to give itself a full shape. The critiques of the mechanisms are right at least in one respect: It must have the prime minister as its member if it wants to be an effective body. The mechanism should also include leaders of the Madhes-based parties without any delay to broaden its appeal and to strengthen its legitimacy. The second thing that the mechanism should work on is to finalize its work procedure, detailed agendas that it should take up, and finally, its jurisdiction. Once the mechanism finalizes these issues, we hope the suspicion about the necessity and usefulness of the mechanism will significantly subside. The mechanism offers a renewed hope that the leaders will put aside their parochial interest and strike an agreement to break the political impasse, complete the peace process and write the constitution on time. If they miss the chance this time around, the country can plunge into a painful period of chaos and uncertainty. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13948 Nepal’s major political parties finally set up the much-awaited High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM) on Friday to help conclude the ongoing peace process and to accomplish the task of drafting the new constitution. Nepali Congress (NC) President Girija Prasad Koirala heads the three-member HLPM, which includes Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and CPN-UML Chairman Jhalanath Khanal as members. The formation of the mechanism is termed as a breakthrough in the wake of growing political rift between the major political parties in the country. The mechanism is expected to end the months-long political impasse and to expedite the peace process paving the way for drafting the new constitution within the stipulated time frame. The mechanism is the brainchild of Koirala, who had claimed that once the high level body was put in place, all the problems surfacing in the political horizon of the country would disappear. However, the modalities and the working area of the mechanism have not yet been made clear. The formation of the mechanism is expected to give political parties a platform that would help diffuse tension and reduce differences among them. In case any deadlock arises, the mechanism would facilitate the leaders of the major political parties to sit together and resolve the issue. However, it cannot be regarded as a panacea that would cure all ills. The formation of the mechanism is, no doubt, a positive sign and the parties will now be able to discuss their problems and sort out differences before it is too late. Now, it has to be seen how the mechanism takes its full shape and what modalities it would adopt to resolve the crisis. The Constituent Assembly has set May 28, 2010 as the deadline to promulgate the new constitution and if the deadline is missed, it is most likely that political uncertainty will grip the country. Therefore, after forming the HLPM, the parties should now focus their attention on the task of completing the peace process and to draft a democratic constitution within the set deadline. However, they should bear in mind that the mechanism should not work as an extra-constitutional body or a body that can dictate the government on political appointments and other issues. The High Level Political Mechanism should not work as an extra-constitutional body or a body that can dictate the government on political appointments and other issues. Unless the functions and modalities of the mechanism are well-defined, only setting it up will be meaningless. There are a great deal of challenges before the high level body, which need to be dealt effectively in order to make it relevant. The Maoists have not yet withdrawn their fourth round of agitation, despite their inclusion in the mechanism. They are yet to end the acts of violence, terror, intimidation, extortion and abduction of people. This has created a kind of confusion in the minds of the ordinary people. The Maoists have, in the pretext of maintaining “civilian supremacy”, launched an agitation aiming to capture power. It is not clear whether the mechanism will address the issue related to “capturing” or “sharing” of power. After agreeing to be a part of the mechanism, will the Maoists also agree on a power-sharing deal with the ruling alliance? How can the decisions taken by the body be executed and what impacts will it have on other political parties and the government? These questions are yet to be answered. The mechanism should make concrete decisions that would help to expedite the peace process and resolve political crisis that may surface from time to time as the country passes through a difficult phase of transition. All the parties representing the mechanism should express commitment to bid farewell to strikes, lockouts and shutdowns at least for the next five months, until the constitution is ready. The political mechanism should also resolve the issue relating to power-sharing so as to end political instability and to conclude the peace process in a positive manner. The parties should also make a commitment to introduce state restructuring, adopt a federal structure that would be acceptable to all and to build a new Nepal by forging cooperation, consensus and collaboration. They should also be serious about improving law and order situation in the country and to end the culture of giving false assurances to people. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13908 Given the UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s penchant for shooting his mouth as frequently as a new-born wets its diapers, it should come as no surprise his latest bombshell on Saturday: Murdered King Birendra and CPN-UML General Secretary Madan Bhandari, who died in an accident, were removed since they were fighting for national independence. Of course, he has not named who “removed” the king and the popular UML chief but the reference to the southern neighbor is unmistakable. Neither has he provided any evidence for his claim. But he has kept himself on the same pedestal as the late king and the firebrand leader when it comes to fighting for “national independence”. [It is another matter that Bhandari, irked by the Royal Palace’s backroom maneuvers in Nepali politics, had challenged King Birendra to take off his crown and join politics]. Speaking at a function, “National independence and civilian supremacy”, organized by his party as part of the upcoming fourth phase of protests, Dahal claimed he has guided his party to fight for “national independence” of Nepal and would not be cowered with the fate of the two Nepali stalwarts. The intent is clear: His life too is under threat. His image having taken a nosedive after a series of gaffes and exposures (he has blamed Nagarik newspaper for twisting and indulging in “yellow journalism”), the current exercise is aimed at regaining the lost aura and earn sympathy. For those not in the loop vis-à-vis Dahal’s juggling of subjects, the Maoists’ latest switch – to fighting for “national independence” – comes after “civilian supremacy” failed to fetch him prime minister’s seat. For Pushpa Kamal Dahal, to call the NC and the UML “slaves” of a man he was himself courting so assiduously is plain deception. So, this nationalism angle is too hollow. The sooner Dahal realizes this, the better for him and the country. It would be easy to pass this off as nonsense coming from a frustrated politician. But not when it is being shaped as a narrative on nationalism. Dahal does not even remember what he had said or done in the past. Readers can judge themselves whether or not this man can be trusted for his new found love for nationalism. In recent times, we have heard Dahal saying a lot about the Nepal-India 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship. He is not the only Nepali politician to raise the demand for revision (or abrogation) of this treaty as and when it suits them. A typical trait of such leaders is that when they are out of power and cannot come up with any other idea to engage the nation, they resort to India-bashing. “The treaty of 1950 is unequal” is all that they scream about. And then there is hush all around, with no genuine follow-up action. What is guaranteed, though, is that these amnesic nationalists would refer to this treaty again when convenient. A little refreshing of memory for Dahal would serve him and his party well. The party has been calling for revision of this treaty since its birth. So, in September 2008, when Dahal went to India as prime minister, the issue did come up. The Indians, who have been hearing “revise 1950 treaty” call since CPN-UML’s chief and (later prime minister) Manmohan Adhikari first raised it, promptly agreed to review it and asked the Nepal government to name the provisions it wanted revised. It also proposed setting up a high-level committee at the foreign secretaries’ level to work on the treaty’s revision. Once back in Kathmandu, neither the Dahal government nor the Maoist party did anything about it. The 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship made a quiet burial only to prominently resurface at the Dec 20 New Baneshwar harangue of Dahal, an ex-prime minister trying all means to occupy Baluwatar again. Take another example to pint himself as a true nationalist leader. In his dialogue-only-with-India declaration of New Baneshwar on Dec 20, the Maoist chief accused the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML as parties perennially in search of “master”. He repeated that on Saturday. Aware that his secret talks with the now ousted king, Gyanendra, would land him in soup, the Maoist chief has been trying to give a new twist to the tale of Maoists’ overtures to the unpopular monarch. The NC and the UML were “slaves” of Gyanendra Shah is what we hear these days. What we don’t hear is this. That Dahal had condemned three of his party colleagues – Dr Baburam Bhattarai, his wife Hisila Yami and Dina Nath Sharma (current party spokesperson) – to labor camp in Rolpa at the behest of Shah. Shah was cut up with Dr Bhattarai for alluding that he had a hand in the tragic Royal Palace Massacre of 2005. When the Maoists started flirting with the monarch, a line opposed by Bhattarai, royal one demanded that the party ideologue be punished. Dahal and Shah’s coming together was done by anti-India glue. They also shared hatred for parliamentary parties. The king was angry with India for not supporting his regime; the Maoist chief was cut up with India, a benefactor which had been providing shelter and security to underground Maoist leaders, for turning on the heat on the then rebels. Gyanendra had said he would address the Maoist demands through his televised address on Feb 1, 2005. Two days before the address, on Jan 30, Dahal obliged Gyanendra by punishing the three party colleagues. But Gyanendra Shah took the Maoist chief for a famous royal ride. He staged a coup and imposed a state of emergency in the country. Let alone addressing their demands, Shah did not even mention the M word. Furious at this betrayal, Dahal freed his colleagues and ensured that the Chunabang meeting that followed after the Feb 1 coup pass a resolution to work with the parliamentary parties. Soon after that, Dr Bhattarai was off to New Delhi to hold dialogue with the NC and the UML leaders and thus was born the 12-point understanding between the then seven-party alliance and the CPN (Maoist). For Dahal, to call the NC and the UML “slaves” of a man he was himself courting so assiduously is plain deception. So, this nationalism angle is too hollow. The sooner Dahal realizes this, instead of coming up with different theories and startling remarks, the better for him and the country. damakant@myrepublica.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13909 That Nepalis have started selling property in Nepal to invest in real estate in the US not only points to the fact that land and housing prices have skyrocketed at home but also, owing to the global recession, it has nosedived in the US. The trend is indicative of larger problems besetting Nepal: Political instability, economic crisis, absence of law and order, lack of basis facilities such as water, cooking gas and electricity, among others. The US, on the other hand, ensures almost all of these. Some Nepalis are packing up their bags and leaving the country for good. Many others are selling a portion of their property here and investing in the US. The reason: More than financial prudence, it is to ensure that when things get hopelessly out of control here in Nepal, they have some place else to fall back on. Though the number of Nepalis selling their property and investing in the US is still not very big, the trend is catching up and it won’t come as a surprise if that number swells in the future for two primary reasons. One, the existing political situation is bad and it doesn’t look like it will get any better in the foreseeable future. Two, there are already over 200,000 Nepalis (and growing) in the US who are increasingly getting disenchanted with the never-ending crisis in Nepal, thus opting to settle down there. The flight of capital is already adding to Nepal’s woes, which is facing major problems because of a dip in remittance growth, decline in exports and surging imports. When the trend picks up, one can only imagine what impact it will have on the economy. Thousands of Nepalis have been temporarily migrating to other countries either for work or study, primarily since the advent of democracy in 1990, because of the lack of opportunities here in Nepal. If instead of temporary migration, Nepalis are opting to permanently settle down abroad, we can very well gauge how things have turned from bad to worse in the country. The responsibility of salvaging the situation in hand lies with our leaders. The first step in that direction is to ensure security of people’s life and property; provide basic services and facilities; write the constitution by the stipulated timeframe; and hold general elections. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13861 Back in 1990, when the first People’s Movement was in full swing in the country, the battle cry was “we want democracy”. There was the unstated assumption that once democracy was restored in the country, all the problems associated with underdevelopment and exclusion would be solved automatically. There was faith in the new leadership of the movement and a feeling that they will rise to the challenge. Now, almost two decades later, we know that the euphoria was rather premature. During this period, the governmental leadership changed over a dozen times and the country had to go through a destructive civil war that claimed over 13,000 lives. Just over three years ago, we experienced a second installment of the People’s Movement that saw the end of monarchy and the declaration of a federal republic. Now we are again looking for new slogans as an all purpose medicine to all our problems: The new catchphrase is “federalism and all power to autonomous provinces with the right of self-determination”. The Federal Model The feeling that federalism with the central government as nothing more than a weak coordinator of autonomous provinces that have the “right to self-determination” is somewhat similar to the ideas of the 13 provinces that originally came together to form the United States. The original notion of federalism in the US reflected a deep suspicion of a centralized authority. The federal government then could not even maintain a standing army without the consent of all the states. In Nepal, the situation is, of course, different. Instead of states coming together, we are creating new states or provinces but the underlying idea of federalism seems to emphasize a weak central government that must maintain a hands-off policy in the affairs of the state. However, history has shown that a federal model of this nature has its own pitfalls. Even in the US, a country where federalism is considered as a successful model for nation-building, the theme of weak central government had to face a lot of opposition as impractical and unworkable right from the beginning. In fact, some very prominent personalities of that era known as the anti-federalists thought for a time being that the cooperation model of the original 13 states was simply dysfunctional. They were frustrated with the then political thinking on federalism and even went to the other extreme of proposing a strong national government. This debate finally led to a compromise where the federal government was given the power to recruit an army and to appoint federal officials. However, the institution of slavery was considered an affair of the state. It was a vital compromise that ultimately became one of the major causes of civil war a century later. Even a country like the US that stresses state rights has come to realize that federalism without a strong center is an invitation to chaos. A successful musical orchestra needs a conductor who can direct and coordinate the various sounds into music that soothes the heart. The American federal journey has been a continuous movement from weak federalism to federal centralism. There have been hiccups along the way but the trend remains unmistakable in response to growing social and economic complexities of a dynamic society. Just to mention a few: In response to “wild cat banking” of the 19th century, the federal government established a central bank in 1913 known as the Federal Reserve Bank. It signaled the beginning of a central institution for monetary policy. Similarly, the depression in the 1930s led to the expansion of several federal-level institutions in important areas of economic and social life of the nation. This trend was challenged in the era of neo-liberal economics in the later part of the 20th century but after the near depression of the economy in 2008, new national-level regulations in finance and banking seem to be making a strong comeback. In essence, the US remains now a country-based on federal centralism, something vastly different from its original structure where the focus was to have a weak center. In the case of India, the logic of a centralized federal structure was never in doubt. During the Nehru era, the theme was to have a strong center committed to take leadership in carrying out a wide range of functions for the social and economic development of the nation. However, the ability of the central government to deliver on its promises was limited. Expansion of state responsibilities without a corresponding increase in its delivery strength led to a fiscal imbalance and ultimately to a situation of virtual bankruptcy by the late 1980s. It was then that the content of the federal centralism began to change. Regional considerations gained new importance in national politics and the role of the organized corporate sector gained new recognition. The lesson of the Indian experience is that a mismatch between central authority and central responsibility can lead to near stagnation. It was this realization that changed the content of federal functions in India and pushed the country on the path of economic liberalization that started in the last decade of the 20th century. The model of federal centralism remains intact but the government now tries to focus on a limited number of activities designed to overcome the binding constraints to growth so as to encourage savings, investments and employment in the private sector. Federal Centralism: The Case of Nepal In the context of Nepal, we are not clear about both the form and content of federalism. On the one hand, there is the cry for ethnic-based federalism with “the right of self-determination” while there are other voices harboring deep suspicion on the very idea of federalism for a small country like Nepal. The largest party in the parliament, the Maoist party, has been most vocal in advancing the logic of ethnic federalism and the “right of self-determination”. Slogans of this nature may be helpful in swinging people on one side for a short-term political gain. However, from a long-term perspective based on the vision of a nation that is politically united and economically strong, the Maoist strategy is both inopportune and unfortunate. What the Maoists are encouraging in a very shortsighted manner is a situation of increasing conflict between and among the provinces and the center in the name of autonomy and “the right of self-determination” Their penchant for a short-term political gain that relies heavily on the ethnic card ignores the demographic dynamics of Nepal and can easily fuel conflict between the local and the national. The fact remains that even a country like the US that stresses state rights has come to realize that federalism without a strong center is an invitation to chaos. A successful musical orchestra needs a conductor who can direct and coordinate the various sounds into music that soothes the heart and reflects the human desire for peace and happiness. But this is not possible if the conductor is weak and does not command the respect of the musicians. In the context of changes that we are going through, it is but natural that both the centrifugal and centripetal forces will emerge. To an extent this is but natural. However, to hope that federalism without central power will somehow achieve a dynamic equilibrium between these two forces in favor of unity and stability is like conducting an orchestra without any musical score. Both the American and Indian experience show that a weak central government without the power and institutions to handle the complexities of a modernizing economy and social consciousness encourages the rise of centrifugal forces derailing the meaning of local autonomy and in Nepal’s case the idea of “the right of self-determination” into anarchy, chaos and even destructive violence and war. It took a destructive civil war in the US to establish the fact that in matters of major socio-economic dimension, the central government cannot be ignored. If we are to make federalism work for Nepal, it is important that the power balance between the local-and the national-level institutions in the constitution allows the federal government to perform the task of coordination and control effectively so that centrifugal forces are kept in check while providing expanded opportunities for local initiative and leadership. The ability to maintain this balance is in essence the logic of federal centralism. Even in the best of circumstances, it is not easy. The Maoists, with their slogans of ethnic federalism and “the right of self-determination” that can mean different things to different people, seem determined to make it even more thorny and difficult. (Writer is the co-chairman of the Rastriya Janashakti Party.) http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13860 Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Mohamed Ali Jinnah became members of the Home Rule League (HRL) which Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Dr Annie Besant had founded. Later, Gandhi won its presidency. The HRL advocated self-government for India within the British Empire. Gandhi wanted complete independence. So, on his own, he altered HRL’s constitution to state so. When Jinnah protested that only a three-fourths majority of the HRL could change its constitution, Gandhi asked him to resign. Jinnah with 19 other Muslim members left the HRL. In March 1929, Jinnah came forward with a 14-point demand to the Indian National Congress. Much of what he asked sounds reasonable: A federal constitution granting autonomy to provinces, separate electorates for communal groups, the maintenance of Muslim majority where it already existed, safeguards for Muslim culture, and government cabinets having one-third Muslim ministers. However, Pundit Motilal Nehru (Jawaharlal’s father) derided these demands. Two years later, Jawaharlal Nehru did the same in a much stronger language, “If I had to listen to my dear friend Mohammad Ali Jinnah talking the most unmitigated nonsense about his 14 points for any length of time I would consider the desirability of retiring to the South Sea Islands where there would be some hope of meeting with some people who were intelligent enough or ignorant enough not to talk of the 14 points” (Jaswant Singh, Jinnah, p 202). In Young India (Oct 20, 1921), Gandhi states one of his aims, “I ensure the safety of the cow from the Mussalman knife, that is my religion.” Gandhi had his blind spot—his “holy cow” over Muslim welfare. Jinnah lost faith in Gandhi, Nehru and the Indian Congress. He turned a bitter opponent, and eventually led to the partition of India. What if both Gandhi and Nehru had sat through proper discussions with Jinnah? The president could personally invite parliamentary discussion about himself, and prove to the nation that he’s no “holy cow”. After World War II, the Japanese emperor openly declared that he wasn’t the deity his subjects made him out to be. On Feb 4, 1996, Dr Baburam Bhattarai presented a 40-point demand to PM Sher Bahadur Deuba. These points related to nationalism, the public’s well-being, and people’s daily life. We cite a few: The annulling of unfair treaties with India, prevention of India-registered vehicles entering our country, stopping the recruitment of Gorkha soldiers, drafting a secular/republican constitution, abolition of royal privileges, assurance of equal property rights to women as to men, banning of caste/untouchability, granting adequate powers to local bodies, giving land to tillers, and guarantee of employment at a minimum fair wage. However, PM Deuba had no inclination to discuss with the Maoists. He couldn’t envisage Nepal without the king, his “holy cow”. When Deuba turned a deaf ear, the Maoists initiated the 10-year rebellion that has cost us about 16,000 lives. What if Deuba had engaged in a hearty discussion with the Maoist leaders? This last case study comes from the all Nepal Christian community I belong to. Pastors with dictatorial ambitions ignore discussion with their congregations, and never call the general body (GB) meeting of their churches. Thus, members don’t have opportunities to voice their ideas. The GB can’t elect their committees, which consist of pastors’ own hand-picked, “yes-people”. Some among such pastors make donor-funded church-land their own private properties, with the land-documents in their own names instead of three or four elders or the church itself or a church-based NGO. (On the other hand, we have many examples of selfless pastors donating their own inherited land for the church.) What the foreign donor bought in thousands for the church eventually ends up being valued in millions (with the passage of time). Then, greed takes over. Some among such pastors, from Mechi to Mahakali, consider themselves specially “anointed”, so above discussion, and thus “holy cows” of Nepali Christianity. They ask anyone with a different opinion to leave the church, whereas according to St Paul only those persisting in sin (like adultery) and refusing to repent deserve expulsion. The congregations they dictate either split (one has broken into six) or see no growth. These case studies, from both political and religious fields, indicate one principle—avoid discussion and invite disaster. Thus, I plead with the UML-Congress-led government: Allow parliamentary discussion of presidential actions as the Maoists have demanded. About two weeks ago, the Maoists permitted the House to function. The former rebels have threatened similar hindrance and an indefinite banda (strike) if they can’t discuss the president in the parliament. (Recently, the Maoists have given priority to national sovereignty over civilian supremacy, which they haven’t yet abandoned). Again, the ordinary citizens will suffer because of Maoist’s reluctance to lose face but also UML-NC’s punctiliousness in trivial matters. I believe the parliament should discuss the president. Why? First, a secular/republican Nepal shouldn’t have any “holy cow” and we shouldn’t treat the president as such. The 1962 Panchayat constitution, which King Mahendra “gifted” the country, says: “No discussion shall take place in the National Panchayat with regard to the conduct of His Majesty, Her Majesty the Queen and the successors to the throne.” This meant the panchas had to keep mum no matter how many concubines Mahendra/Birendra kept or how much state-wealth they stashed away in foreign banks. Who ended up the loser? Nepali monarchy, which will now exist only in peoples’ memories and history books. I believe the president did our country a great favour in May, 2009. He saw through the Maoist conspiracy towards their autocratic, totalitarian People’s Republic. Thus, he kept Rookmangud Katawal as the commander-in-chief, and prevented the pro-Maoist General Kul Bahadur Khadka replacing the former. In any debate, the president will have enough supporters to answer Maoist charges. By not allowing free discussion, the government already appears a loser. Rightly, the Maoists ridicule a “democracy” that doesn’t allow debates. Although I have always written against Maoists’ murders, extortion, land-grabbing, and killing of journalists, I have highlighted their good points too. Thus, I side with their plea for a discussion about presidential actions, whatever hidden agenda they may have. Second, Nepal’s Interim Constitution 2063 (amended six times) supports discussion about the president. Part 4a deals with the president, the vice-president, their character, installment, and removal. Article 36e(2) allows an impeachment of the president should a 2/3 majority of the parliament vote for it. Presuming that ample debate precedes the voting, parliamentarians will either defend or devour the president anyway. So, why should the government prevent the discussion the Maoists have asked for? Third, the UML-NC and their 22 allied parties needn’t fear that a parliamentary discussion on the president will degrade him or his office. Rather, it should enhance his prestige. Any sensible man will welcome constructive criticism and ignore baseless insults. The president could personally invite parliamentary discussion about himself, and prove to the nation that he’s no “holy cow”. After World War II, the Japanese emperor openly declared that he wasn’t the deity his subjects made him out to be. On the other hand, Nepali kings didn’t deny being the Vishnu-avatar till the 2006 uprising proved it a hoax. At this critical moment in our history, the government and the president can demonstrate real democracy by allowing discussion. No “holy cows” please. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13862 The Interim Constitution 2063 has already decided that Nepal is to be a federal state. What kind of federal state it is to be is still a matter for discussion. And now would be as good a time as any for that discussion. Of late the voice of anti-federalism has become a shade more consolidated. Past experience in other countries may have given skeptics some encouragement to voice their dissent. But the social and political cost of not going for a federal structure at this juncture in our history will be too high for Nepal. Territorial decentralism or devolution of power to accommodate ethnic and regional differences will no longer be enough. Of course, we do not believe that the people of this country will experience a miraculous change overnight once Nepal becomes a federation. We will instead face more challenges than ever. And that is where our competence as a nation comes into play, in how we go about delineating and managing these new states within the federation, and how we handle the governance structure. The unitary state system in Nepal has failed miserably in terms of delivery. Delivery depends on performance and effectiveness, and these will still be challenges after we go federal. Going federal will not be easy, but it will be well worth the effort. In Nepal, organized force has been used to line up political support and maintain it. But this approach has ultimately failed. It has turned out to be one of the main weaknesses of our unitary structure, garnering support and maintaining it, with brute force if need be. So it is time to let go and usher in a federal arrangement. The idea of federalism is not just to divide the country into pieces. It is meant for the people to feel that they are a part of the country. Many Nepalis feel they have no stake in the nation and thus relate very little with the state. Federalism gives them respect for their identity, which could be ethnic, regional or cultural. They want to be part of a larger Nepal through their own identities. Neglecting the aspirations of people to be their distinct selves while remaining a part of larger nationhood will be disastrous. Federalism has the potential to produce a more stable union, while still recognizing each diversity and difference. Nepal will be a champion of unity in diversity. However, the introduction of a purely ethnic-based federal system will lead to communal tensions and ethnic chauvinism. So, as we engage in vigorous discussions on the issue of structure, we should keep in mind the aspirations of the people, of different regions and communities, but also help maintain our unity in diversity. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13830 Maoist supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s recent statement calling for a dialogue with New Delhi as a way to find solution to Nepal’s political problems was an honest slip of tongue or it reflected a keen awareness of the difficult political choices he and his party are facing to reclaim the throne that they had accessed with people’s mandate but lost it apparently for no good reasons or, at best, it was an outcome of muddled misjudgment. Maoist leadership is waking up to the fact that the task of reclaiming the throne is fast receding, which they should not postpone any longer while, at the same time, they do not seem confident enough to bulldoze their way into power. It does not seem irrational then that Dahal had a change of heart to turn to India to cultivate trust, earn legitimacy, and get backing for their brand of government that holds promise for a lasting peace and prosperity for the country in a more convincing manner than has been the record of previous regimes which, Maoists claim, practiced a sort of bourgeoisie democracy that worked against the national interest and failed to tackle the problems of poverty and backwardness. Most likely, despite the subsequent denial, this is the intent of Dahal’s remarks and, indeed, is a very sensible thing to do: If you cannot win, compromise! Nepal shares the common fate of countries overshadowed by large and powerful neighbors, which they believe to be as risky as having to sleep beside an elephant. It is just the nature of things juxtaposed together that makes the smaller country uncomfortable either getting too close to or staying too far from the powerful neighbor—there is always this dilemma of finding a safe distance and avoiding any action that can wake up the elephant or, worse, make it unfriendly and hostile. Changing the geographic map of Nepal is not possible and the best alternative for Maoists would be to try to live with India and accept its larger presence—even dominance—as gracefully and as honorably as possible. Despite the assertions of sovereignty and independence, Nepal’s rulers of all shades and persuasions have been keenly aware of the limitations they face in confronting India. Irrespective of a perception of injustice, unfairness, subjugation, and exploitation they have in their dealings with India—not necessarily in sensitive areas of defense and foreign policy matters but also on trade, transit, and border security issues—all governments in Nepal have felt helpless bargaining with the regional superpower on fairer terms and have opposed its heavy-handed approach to solving a myriad of bilateral problems. Reportedly, the late King Birendra confronted one such incident first hand while on tour to the western part of the country in 1988. He observed some Indian Air Force jets making forays towards the Chinese border, apparently as part of its routine surveillance of the Himalayan region that also included Nepal. When he inquired if the Indian government had taken permission for the use of Nepal’s airspace, he was told that no such permission had been sought and, as matter of fact, India had always behaved as if Nepal’s defense was its responsibility and needed no consultation with Nepal. The king felt outraged at India’s arrogance and, according to some aides who were with the king at that time, he ordered obtaining defense weapons from China to deter violation of Nepal’s airspace. When India was alerted of Nepal’s weapons deal with China, it reacted to Nepal’s defiance of the 1950 Treaty by putting a trade blockade against the country in March, 1989, the political fallout from which is still being felt in Nepal some 20 years later. DANGEROUS RHETORIC If the Maoists had some magic to relocate Nepal geographically, then probably their anti-India rhetoric would have been sensible, even credible. Changing the geographic map of Nepal is, of course, not possible and then the next best alternative for Maoists or other claimants to political power in Nepal would be to try to live with India and accept its larger presence—even dominance—as gracefully and as honorably as possible. Looking elsewhere, one cannot conceive, for instance, of a Mexican or Canadian political party or government getting mileage out of showing hostility towards the US. In the same vein, Mongolia cannot hope to be safe and prosperous by being unfriendly towards China or Russia, despite the fact that Mongolians would like to be anywhere else except next door to China or Russia! It is then irrational or even insane for the Maoists to go against India and accuse it for Nepal’s troubles, real or imaginary. It is hard to imagine a situation when India could expect to benefit from inciting troubles in Nepal which, surprisingly, appears to be a well-entrenched belief among Nepalis living at some distance from border areas with India. For example, quite a large segment of ruling ethnic groups in Nepal continues to believe that Maoists got India’s backing for creating instability in Nepal and that India conspired with the rebels to overthrow monarchy. They cite, as evidence, that Maoists fighters operated freely from the Indian territory; that Maoist leaders assembled for high-profile meetings in Indian towns with full knowledge and protection of Indian security forces; that India allowed arms smuggling by Maoists to fight a guerilla war in Nepal; and that India never accepted Nepal’s request for labeling Maoists a terrorist group and arrest their leaders accused by Nepal for launching attacks in its territory and carrying out mass murders. However, looking at the evidence and rationality of it, allegation of India’s involvement in aiding Maoist insurgency in Nepal is silly and plainly outrageous, and does not have more validity than, reportedly, accusation by late Indira Gandhi of American CIA causing monsoon failures in India! Such allegations reflect the instances of sheer desperation, attempts at hiding self-generated problems, and effort to shift blame for failure onto someone else. Droughts and famines plagued India well into the 1970s, which largely was the product of misguided planning that ploughed huge investments in showcase projects and in heavy industries at the cost of agriculture and rural development. Similarly, the then Government of Nepal had its own reasons for nourishing Maoist insurgency or, at the least, taking a softer stand containing it. Most notably, the rebellion flourished because of monarchy’s coolness towards democracy and its reluctance to use the army, which it controlled, to confront Maoists. Looking at the background of Maoist sweep of Nepal, this undoubtedly ensued from the weakness of domestic policies, which neglected development at the grassroots; failed to build local institutions in support of democracy; encouraged patronage and favoritism that let a chosen group of people amass personal wealth and sustain political authority; and, most importantly, instituted an autarchic trade and investment regime that blocked meaningful contacts with the country’s larger neighbors, for the unfounded belief that a closer economic ties with large neighbors would compromise sovereignty. MAOISTS’ SECOND CHANCE It seems inconceivable that Maoists would so quickly fall out of public favor and get pushed to the fringes of Nepali politics, from the mainstream status they had gained just a few years ago. The reason may be that those who supported their revolution—and many who did not oppose it—wanted a fundamental shift in the country’s governance structure that is focused on improving government efficiency, stemming corruption, building infrastructure, creating jobs, and putting the country on path to sustained growth, whatever the Maoists’ professed ideology. Probably, people believed that Nepal’s Maoists will have the same type of vision as that of China’s reformist leader, Deng Xiaoping, who is credited to have spoken these words: It does not matter if the cat is black or white as long as it catches mice... It is true that China’s transformation did not start with Deng’s reforms carried out from the early 1980s. Seeds of reform had actually been planted much earlier, by the success of Mao’s Revolution in1949 that saw the abolition of private property, communal ownership of farmland, mass mobilization of labor at meager wage to build infrastructure, and a government-led industrialization. However, records show that such initiatives directed at forced modernization of the Chinese economy did not produce much growth or alleviate poverty for as long as it lasted—for some 30 years from 1950 to 1980—but this did help soften opposition to reforms from traditional elite groups and landed aristocracy who had exercised tight control over people and resources for the benefit of cronies and courtiers. It is difficult to deny that the drastic change in social and economic structures precipitated by Mao’s heavy-handed push for reforms played a catalytic role in China’s capitalistic revival decades later and economic successes that we observe today. However, it is unwise, even dangerous, for Maoists to emulate Mao’s reforms as a prerequisite for addressing the problems of poverty and dispossession that Nepali people face today. This is because the world situation has changed dramatically since Mao’s days and Nepal’s geopolitical constraints are such that any serious attempt by Maoists to make a clean break from the past to reshape society and the economy is likely to meet stiff resistance from local elites and ordinary people alike, and also risk drawing outside attention and intervention. There is no denying the fact that a lion’s share of credit for the dissolution of monarchy and making Nepal a Republic goes to the Maoists, irrespective of the methods they used to achieve it. They needed an ideology to justify their revolution and they found it in Maoism. While the force of this ideology helped them emerge as the most powerful political force in the country but considering the challenges they face in implementing it, it is high time that they distance from it or, more wisely, abandon it. After the repeated failures of past administrations and erosion of public trust in old-fashioned leadership, people are now prepared to take a chance with Maoists, provided that they tone down their ideology and suggest realistic solutions to problems people face in their daily lives and remain unsolved for generations. Unfortunately, there is no evidence yet that Maoists are ready to make this transition. sshah1983@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13831 By now, it is evident that the economy is bearing the brunt of sustained inflation, which is at close to 10 percent, and swelling deficit in Balance of Payment (BoP). The four-month economic report made public by Nepal Rastra Bank on Thursday showed that inflation that was slowing down in the past few months after touching 13 percent last fiscal year, has again crept up to 10 percent, thanks primarily to an over 16 percent rise in prices of food items. Central bank officials have already expressed worries that inflation rate might go up further given the fact that food prices in India, which is Nepal’s major supplier of food, has already risen by over 20 percent. To add to the misery, experts have warned that the production of winter crops in the Tarai region might be hit by the recent cold wave, thus further shrinking supplies. Rising deficit in BoP that touched a record Rs 20.5 billion during the first four months of the current fiscal year against the surplus of Rs 11 billion during the same period last year is posing another threat to the economy. Boosting exports and curbing imports is the best prescription to deal with the problem but the million dollar question is: Is it possible to translate that into practice? Nepal’s export base is so weak that it is almost impossible to see it strengthening in the short-run. The export of woolen carpets and readymade garments, the two primary export items, is not only shrinking but sinking. The performance of other exportable products is very poor. Developing sustainable exportable products needs a long-term and concrete vision, which is again something difficult to achieve because of the ongoing political turmoil. Curbing imports by imposing additional duties can be a way out but that cannot be done without hurting the already slow growth. In addition, it might fuel inflation further. The other worrisome development has been the growth rate of remittance, which played the most crucial role in boosting consumption. The latest NRB data shows that remittance growth rate in the first four months of this fiscal year has dwindled to 6.6 percent from 60 percent. Promoting tourism is one of the most powerful tools that the country can resort to in order to deal with the BoP crisis. However, again, that is easier said than done considering the existing political situation of the country. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13829 When I was first asked if I wanted to contribute to Republica, I was excitably intrigued. I had just finished up a cartoon series in the Nepali Times called “Herojig” that tried to explain (in cartoon format) what an American sees while he is living in Nepal—living the Nepali life. That now defunct strip was my way of trying to explain the hilarity of my break-in phase as an expat. Then my world was upside down, everything about living had become less tragic: The culture, the language, and the sensibilities. I once complained to a Baba about my constant diarrhea, and can’t forget his advice: “It’s not diarrhea, its just life.” I loved not being able to understand what was being said, and instead I could just fill in what I would like to hear. Most Western therapists would diagnose that behavior as insanity, but I savored the experience, after listening to utter nonsense for most of my life. Being dulled to sleep with 40-odd years of Orwellian double-speak is enough to make anyone comatose, and also slightly retarded. So my early Nepali years of not understanding anything except for the obvious were a welcome sabbatical. However, the western world always finds a way in. Penetrating via WiFi is that tired old new world left behind, for reasons yet to be revealed. This new-to-me Nepali world is one where I can travel back in time, and I can walk about life as I did when I was growing up in the village of Poughkeepsie, New York. Before moving to Nepal, I was missing the landscapes filled with people playing games and at the same time getting the laundry done and the shoes repaired. I don’t want to miss that again. How about you? Poughkeepsie was originally named by a now extinct tribe of Americans. These were Americans whose only marks left on the beautiful valleys, hills, and rivers of Upper New York are the strange tribal names of hundreds of villages. These great tribal castes that once ruled New York lived in huge villages, the likes of Canastigaone, Kowogoconnughariegugharie, and the more pronounceable Oneida. Village life then was just like village life here, but without a good rice patty. Nothing is left of that culture, where the nations of Seneca, Onondaga, Mohawk, and Iroquois once grew grain, sacrificed game, and raised tons of children. But while growing up, I saw native ghosts everywhere, in anything not whitewashed over and renamed into something Anglican. (For example, New York was renamed as a reference to York, England). As a young man, I was intrigued by these great Americans –the ones who smartly worked the land with bare hands and in sandals, and lived among communal dogs and garbage heaps and even shopped at small family-run cold stores. I was excitably intrigued whenever I imagined what life must have been like in a pre-prefab society. But now I have no need to imagine; all I have to do is walk out my door. I tell my Nepali wife: It’s like I can relive my childhood, wandering from one small village to another, enjoying the variety in which real people exist. In 2002, I discovered Fewa Lake just as I discovered Lake Minnewaska in 1968. I found old canoes and quaint hotels commanded by good people, and not the GQ and Marie Claire clown-crowd found in upstate New York today. Back then there was even a Pokhara-like Bat Cave, where for a few pennies, we crawled through with candles and wonder. Now closed, there are no more Bat Caves. At worst, there are crack caves where kids crawl looking for food while mothers cook up meth for breakfast. At best, there are huge amusement complexes named after corporations, and costing more then 15,000 per family. Then there are the overwhelming anti-attractions of my birth village: Joblessness, poverty, despair. In Nepal, you can still sit down with a complete stranger and chat over tea. You can’t do that in the America that was once full of complete strangers chatting over tea - full of children turning wheels with sticks and flying kites, full of mangy dog packs sleeping in the sunshine, and full of women sorting things while men toiled. America was once a place where people did not fear each other individually, only feared what outside tribes might do in the night. There were no pedophiles, serial killers, or malicious stalkers. A little abduction perhaps, but nothing too serious. It was an America where fathers played with babies and grandmothers lived with sons and there was at least one puja going on everyday. It was a land very much like rural Nepal is today. America was once a place where elders gathered at chautaris while tailors fixed shoes. It was a real matter-of-fact land, and not a fantasyland of zero-interest sub-prime mortgage and credit card scams. The people were proud, hardworking folks who could take the hard times and make the best of them. Well, that’s what the ghosts told me. It’s really hard to exact the truth now, as the past is paved over, and buried so deep that even anthropologists can’t dig it up. Which brings me to the point of this first column. What is it that is being paved over today, here in our small bit of Nepal? I am excitably intrigued to figure that out. How does this paving and bleaching process work? I’m not just talking about the paving of roads, but of minds. Where imagination is flattened museko pitho. Where the invaders of the free enslave the wanting with flashier cars to drive, snazzier refrigerators to chill out in, and better homes and gardens. You may disagree with this premise (please let me know if you do), but expats should have a “back-to-the-future insight” on such topics as “progress.” I say the place that we are traveling to is somewhere between hell and a hand basket. The day the shopkeeper doesn’t offer tea is the day we need to stand up and shout. When there is a need for a national alert system to find kidnapped and murdered children, the time is past to say enough is enough. When corruption is so corrupt it feels good and just, this is when we need to wake up. When everyone is armed with a Glock instead of a Kukhuri, these are all signs of the great demise. In Nepal, we are now on the rising side of that demise. The middle class is being refined, fattened, and readied for slaughter. And that’s the good news. This monthly rant is about what’s going wrong – or sometimes even right – in the East and in the West, and on what I miss most: The times when almost everyone was nice to each other, respectful by default, and heck, even honoring each other as like beings sharing the same miserable – or bountiful – existence. (Isn’t that the definition of Namaste?) Before moving to Nepal, I was missing the trust of a younger person’s eyes on the street, the sight of fathers playing with children, landscapes filled with people playing games and at the same time getting the laundry done and the shoes repaired. I don’t want to miss that again. I want to remain excitably intrigued. How about you? (Writer is quirky-kinda expat happily living in the Kathmandu valley with Nepali family, friends, and a very large dog.) studios.phoenix@gmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13765 The Prime Minister´s Office (PMO) has readied a detailed proposal for integration/rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants and has forwarded it to Nepali Congress and Maoist leaders. The PMO has prepared a sensible proposal under which some of the combatants will be integrated into the security forces, including the national army, and the rest will be rehabilitated back into society. The good news is that initial response from the Maoists is positive. The fact that senior leaders of the top three parties -- UCPN (M), NC and UML-- have agreed to meet on Sunday to decide the number of combatants to be integrated into the security forces and the criteria for integration has bolstered hope that the PLA issue will now be sorted out. Let´s not underestimate the importance of a successful integration process and the self-confidence it will bring to the current peace process. The issue of the Maoist combatants is actually at the heart of the political stalemate. And an agreement on it will help untangle many other political complications as well. The ruling coalition, mainly the NC and UML, fears that the Maoists don´t want to give up the politics of violence and therefore want to keep the PLA issue unresolved. As they see it, the idea is to keep psychological terror alive in the public psyche so that the Maoists continue to dominate the political space. The PLA integration/rehabilitation issue is, therefore, a test of Maoist sincerity. A deal on the PLA will also reflect their commitment to taking the peace process to a logical conclusion and accepting peaceful, plural politics. It would, however, be naive to assume that the PLA issue can be resolved in isolation, without reaching any agreement on other contentious issues. Agreement over PLA combatants will certainly be a game-changer in the current stalemate but there should be agreement on other fronts also to move the political process ahead. Thankfully, the party leaders are to put all six major issues of contention on the table and they have agreed to take up each one of them. We urge them not to let this opportunity slip. And we also want to remind them that they do not have the luxury of time since the deadline for writing the constitution is less than five months away. If there is no deal this time, it will set the country irrevocably on the path of confrontation. However, there is hope things will be different for once. Agreement among the top leaders Wednesday afternoon to set up a high-level mechanism by Friday is a good indication in that direction. The high-level mechanism will institutionalize and facilitate the negotiations. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13764 Finally, the government of Nepal decided to recommend Girija Prasad Koirala (GPK), the 85-year-old former prime minister and president of Nepali Congress (NC), for the Nobel Peace Prize. The nomination for the most-prestigious award on earth was in recognition of the veteran leader’s role in bringing the Maoists, which launched a violent war for ten years that claimed 13 thousand lives and resulted in other colossal losses, into mainstream politics and the peace process. As the first nomination of its kind for a Nepali leader, this is good news. However, the question that arises is whether or not the nomination is based on merit? Or if it was a decision forced on a weak coalition government that relies on GPK’s support? Let us examine. Prior to the restoration of democracy in 1990, GPK was revered as someone who made great sacrifices for the sake of democracy. His timeless struggles and tireless efforts to bring democracy have few parallels in history. The then Panchayati authorities were forced to release him from his seven-year-long imprisonment only when he was nearing death resulting from his hunger strike that lasted over three weeks. His saga includes long exiles as well, besides several attempts on his life. Moreover, he had been the most energetic, active, organized and cadre-based leader in NC, capable of mobilizing the party cadres more than anybody else. Unfortunately, during the post-democracy era, his name became synonymous with factionalism, nepotism, power, corruption and personal interests and ambitions. He also demonstrated poor intellectual and moral capabilities. In fact, the greatest share of blame for the ever-deteriorating condition of our nation during the past 20 years goes to his greed and mediocrity as it was he who ruled the country more than anybody else during these two decades. GPK will warrant the Nobel Peace Prize only when the Maoists transform themselves into a completely peaceful and civilian political party that believes in and adheres to the universal norms of democracy, human rights and rule of law. It is true that GPK took initiatives and went to great length to bring the Maoists into mainstream and peaceful politics in which he became successful to a large extent. But it is also equally true that he never tried nor was capable of diagnosing the root cause, intricacies and methodologies of the bloody rebellion. At first, instead of trying to counter it politically, he wanted to crush the insurgency through an armed offensive. It was only when the then King Birendra – also the supreme commander of the armed forces – declined his request to mobilize the army that he decided to play the Maoists against his opponents that ranged from Birendra’s predecessor Gyanendra to Sher Bahadur Deuba of his own party. At first, the underground Maoists needed his support to acquire legitimacy; they later needed it to expand and consolidate their organizational base. The Maoists constantly cashed in on his weaknesses such as personal interests/ambitions and nepotism, which often came at the cost of his own party. The Maoists successfully used GPK in their triumphant journey to Singha Durbar from their hideouts in remote mountains via the ‘Delhi Durbar’ route. However, once after establishing themselves as the most powerful party, the Maoists disregarded many of their commitments that formed part of the peace accord signed between them and GPK, among others. The Maoists make no secret of their acts of instilling fear, intimidation, extortion and property seizes. Every now and then, they publicly oppose the universal tenets of democracy and threat to seize power to establish a one-party rule. They own a large private army, albeit within the UN-‘monitored’ cantonments. They also possess a great deal of concealed arms and a significant number of armed combatants. They encourage acts of anarchy and promote the culture of impunity. They hardly recognize the right of their opponents to go among the people, nor do they respect the right of skeptics to speak against them—they are annihilated or silenced through violent attacks or intimidation. Thus, the very peace process for which GPK has been nominated for the award is incomplete, uncertain and dangerously heading towards derailment. Therefore, should GPK deserve credit for bringing Maoists to the peace process and mainstream politics, he should admit the moral blame as well for any delay or derailment of the peace deal. GPK will warrant the Nobel Peace Prize only when the Maoists transform themselves into a completely peaceful and civilian political party that believes in and adheres to the universal norms of democracy, human rights and rule of law and when they do away with their military, militia and the muscle-over-mind mindset. If and when that happens, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the Maoist supremo who signed the peace deal, could be jointly nominated for the award along with GPK. Yes, had GPK chosen soon after co-leading the successful uprising of 2006 against the monarchy to become a moral leader, like Mahatma Gandhi or Jaya Prakash Narayan chose to become, instead of battling for power, his nomination for the award would have been fully justified irrespective of the manner in which the Maoists conducted themselves thereafter. jeevan1952@hotmail.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13763 The statement by Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal after the end of their three-day strike amply demonstrates the Indian connection in Nepal’s fragile peace process. Dahal, who also served as Nepal’s Prime Minister (PM) immediately before incumbent PM Madhav Kumar Nepal, made the statement undiplomatically and said he would talk directly with India instead of other parties whom he termed as “puppets”. It appears that he was provoked by the statement of Indian Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Deepak Kapoor who had said that any collective integration of Maoist combatants into the Nepal Army (NA) would politicize it. General Kapoor said he was surprised why the Maoists wanted integration in NA instead of other security forces. It is a well-known fact that there was a divergence of opinion between South Block on the one hand and the Indian Ministry of Defense on the other regarding the Maoists. During Jana Andolan II and the first term of the UPA government in New Delhi, the need to get support of the left parties, especially CPM, was crucial for the survival of the government. CPM leaders such as Sitaram Yechury and left-leaning intellectuals such as S D Muni had considerable clout in policymaking circles of South Block. On the other hand, such think tanks as United Services Institute (USI) and Institute of Defense Studies were less influential. I had a chance to observe this when I was invited for a presentation in USI and also participated in a seminar organized unofficially by South Block at India International Center in 2004. As the military in India is under civilian control, the view of South Block and bureaucracy prevailed, which led to the Indian side brokering the 12-point understanding between the seven political parties and the Maoists. Although the Maoists in Nepal have joined mainstream politics unlike their counterparts in India, a Nepali army where ideologically-indoctrinated Maoists are integrated could be a security threat to India. The Indian government had hoped that either Nepali Congress or CPN (UML) would emerge as the largest party after the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections and would form the government. That was not to be. The Maoists emerged as the largest political party in the April, 2008, elections. I had written an article immediately after the elections saying that the biggest loser in the elections was India. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has talked about Maoist insurgency in India as being its single-largest internal security threat. According to an article published in Newsweek (30/11/09), there are 20,000 fighters in 14 out of 28 states in India. They are active in coal-, iron- and bauxite-producing heartland of India extending from the Nepali border to the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhatisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. The Indian Government may send 70,000 troops in “Operation Green Hunt” in the “zone liberated by the Maoists”. Although the Maoists in Nepal have joined mainstream politics unlike their counterparts in India, a Nepali army where ideologically-indoctrinated Maoists are integrated could be a security threat to India. Indian columnists such as General (retired) Ashok Mehta have written that Dahal has received encouragement from China in establishing a “People’s Republic” in Nepal. According to him, India is not in a hurry to see a new constitution in Nepal and India’s one-point agenda “is to keep Nepal’s Maoists in their present avatar out of Singha Durbar” (The Pioneer, 23/12/09). Balbir Punj, journalist and BJP member of Indian parliament, has written that any merger of Maoist combatants with NA would mean Maoist takeover of the Nepali army. He fears that a Maoist Nepal would provide material and ideological support to the Indian Maoists (The Pioneer, 25/12/09). Both China and India have pledged to support NA in the recent past. The Chinese will provide arms assistance worth Rs 306 million and the Indians will provide concessions on rates to procure non-lethal assistance. It seems both India and China see NA as a source of stability when law and order situation is deteriorating in Nepal. It appears his campaign for “civilian supremacy” has not impressed any of Nepal’s neighbors. If he launches an “indefinite strike” beginning Jan 24 as he has threatened, it is unlikely that any foreign government, including China, will support him. Some Indian strategic thinkers believe that NA containing ideologically-indoctrinated Maoists will represent a great security threat to India. The entire Gangetic plains of India and its mineral-rich heartland as well as “Chicken’s Neck” just east of the Nepali border might be threatened. It appears that the Indian government is beginning to realize the enormity of blunders it committed in Nepal, which might have threatened its national security. It is unlikely that there would be any integration of Maoist combatants in NA because of our southern neighbor’s security concerns. http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13714 The Three Year Interim Plan (2007-2010) had estimated growth rate at 5.5 percent for the year 2009. The Maoist government in the budget 2008/09 had expected to achieve double-digit growth within three years. The growth target was therefore fixed at 7 percent. International Monetary Fund (IMF) in World Economic Outlook 2008 had also projected 5.5 percent growth rate during the five-year period, 2009-2013. As IMF presumed this growth rate, it also estimated Nepal’s average per capita income of $340 to increase to $495 in 2009, and $532 in 2010. Under this scenario, the growth estimate of the Maoist (7 percent) and the present government’s target to achieve real GDP growth of 5.5 percent (agriculture 3.3 percent and non-agriculture 6.6 percent) in the budget 2009/10 do not look very unrealistic. In 2009, however, a different story unfolded, which is important to consider when thinking about future policies. There was a failure in winter crops in hilly and mountain districts. According to one estimate, this year 575,000 tons of major crops (500,000 tons of paddy and 75,000 tons of maize) are expected to be lost due to the late monsoon, flooding and landslides and, as a result, worsen food deficit. The information provided by the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology depicts that rainfall during monsoon last year was 60 percent less than the previous year. The government officials have predicted a shortage of around 132,000 tons of food in the country. As there was a reduction in plantation area and productivity was low, as explained above, preliminary estimates show paddy production declining by 11.1 percent and the second major cereal crop, maize, by almost 4 percent. These two products together contribute 10 percent (paddy 7.5 percent) share in GDP and about 27.5 percent (paddy 20.75 percent) in agricultural outputs. The actual growth rate, therefore, cannot be expected to exceed 4.2 percent. It is a message for future priority spending and determining the size of nations’ annual budget. Late monsoon, flooding and landslides ate into Nepal’s agricultural productivity last year deeply affecting economic growth. The actual growth rate, therefore, cannot be expected to exceed 4.2 percent in this fiscal year. Despite the inflated size of the national budget in 2009/10, the amount set aside for agriculture has not increased proportionately. Whatever had been committed (Rs 25 billion to boost agro-production during the three-year plan) for increasing production and productivity of rice, maize and wheat, the critiques complain that it was all of a sudden aborted because of the inadequate budget, which has undermined the significance of agriculture in food security. Such decision has been made at a time when threats are emerging from rapid urbanization as youths are leaving leading agricultural districts and migrating to urban areas and/or overseas job destinations. This trend is creating shortages in agricultural workforce in rural areas, which contributes to almost 30 percent in the GDP. The government revenue is at a relatively higher growth path. For instance, during the first five months, revenue mobilization grew by 36.1 percent to Rs 58.60 billion compared to an increase of 33.1 percent. The foreign cash grant has increased to Rs 9.74 billion from last year’s Rs 5.69 billion. The following table gives latest available data in the fiscal sector. Fiscal Sector (Based on first five months data) Amount (Rs in million) Percent Change 2007/8 2008/9 2009/10 2008/9 2009/10 Expenditure 47260 48454 63133 2.5 30.3 Recurrent 30949 32333 45598 4.5 41.0 Capital 7426 4879 5529 -34.3 13.3 Principle repayment 6507 6326 3953 -2.8 -37.5 Resources 37454 50626 70415 35.2 39.1 Revenue 32360 43061 58601 33.3 36.1 Foreign grants 3423 5692 9737 66.3 71.1 Foreign loan 2239 2056 1797 -8.2 -12.6 Deficit(-)/Surplus(+) -9806 2171 7282 -122.1 235.4 Source: Nepal Rastra Bank, Research Division, December, 2009 The above table shows that the real sector is also not very encouraging and fiscal scenario looks mixed. External sector is deteriorating. According to Nepal Rastra Bank, during the first five months of FY 2009/2010, government spending surged by 30.3 percent to Rs 63.13 billion as compared to 2.5 percent on account of remarkable increase (41 percent) in recurrent expenditure. Such growth has also been contributed by the upward revision in salary and allowances. Available figure for the first three months reveal export of goods declining to 16.8 percent as against a growth of 25.9 percent. The export-import ratio declined sharply to 17.8 percent compared to 27.8 percent. Trade deficit widened. Within the first three months, imports from India alone jumped to 133 percent. From Rs 47.2 billion last year, the purchase of IC increased to about Rs 65 billion within the first five months of FY 2009/10. If this trend continues, Nepal’s purchase of IC by selling US dollars in India’s capital market will exceed IC 150 billion by the end of this fiscal year. Isn’t this scary? The import of gold exceeded Rs 15 billion within three months. It is often complained even by responsible government authorities that no details on gold import figure is made available on time from the airport counter. Therefore, the amount of actual import may even be higher than reported. Import of vehicles in three months was worth Rs 6 billion. The higher level of consumption, especially on the unproductive sectors such as land and housing, has increased potential risk to financial sector stability. The bad signal is also declining workers’ remittances, which decelerated to 11.1 percent as compared to 67.3 percent growth the previous year. Nepal experienced current account surplus of Rs 4.31 billion last year but now declined to Rs 11.38 billion. It was largely because of the inability of remittance flow to fulfill increased trade. The overall BOP deteriorated sharply, which remained at Rs 19.45 billion as against a surplus of Rs 7.70 billion. Having said this, it is important to note that Nepal always experienced a comfortable level of foreign exchange holding in the past. However, the five months data exhibits a fall indicating capital adequacy only enough for seven months of import. Nepal’s economy has gone too far to correct damages. In theory, a troubled economy provides consumers with opportunities for negotiating and bargaining. This is not happening in Nepal. The ailing economy should have empowered the customer to ask for reduced price for a product because the economists do not consider haggling as demeaning. But this practice again is not Nepal’s priority. Either the high growth or the downturn scenario is both inelastic to the market behavior since in each of these cases the business is as usual. This is the result of political instability and policy setbacks. Again, in theory, negotiating salary during troubled years is often successful (They are given rise or even promoted) when the employees do not focus on more money and instead emphasize on how they can benefit the employers, focus on employers’ mission and purpose. This is not really needed in present day Nepal at all because bargaining with lopsided demand from the workers have always worked in raising the salary and perks as the unions work like the sub-system of influential political parties. Therefore, since known international practices do not work in Nepal to correct the ailing economy, counter theory policy needs to be devised. bishwambher@yahoo.com http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=13715 Certainly, there is nothing wrong when two friendly neighbors do business that is mutually-beneficial, transparent and free from corruption. However, when the business hurts one of the parties involved and the profit generated from it finds its way more into the pockets of unscrupulous individuals rather than the state coffers, it makes complete sense to stop the business or at least revisit it. These are precisely the reasons why the parliamentary Committee on Natural Resources and Means on Monday asked the government to immediately halt export of stones and sand to India. India relies on Nepal for about 500,000 t